Beyond, and Beneath, N65

Sonala Olumhense

Beyond, and Beneath, N65


If I were a swearing man, I would have sworn that had Mr. Goodluck Jonathan ever imagined that the word "transparency" would come to Nigeria's street lexicon, he would not have hungered for the presidency.

"I do not make empty promises in my campaign because whatever I promise to do, I had already carried out adequate study to make sure I can accomplish it in the next four years" he told the people of Nigeria in Onitsha on February 27, 2011.

The proof does not support that claim, but at the time, some Nigerians seemed to agree with Jonathan that if he, once shoeless, could "do" it, so could they. Many said they hated his party, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) which had historically demonstrated poor faith and form, but they followed Jonathan, swearing they were voting for the man, not the party.

Think about it: for 12 years, through his predecessors, the issue was about control of power, which is why there are two Ps in PDP. It is only fair to assume that Jonathan calculated no differently for his four or seven years.

He took office only on May 29, 2011, but by last week, many of his supporters were left hanging only to guilt and embarrassment. By callously and casually eliminating the phantom subsidy on oil, Mr. Jonathan tore Pandora's Box open to reveal a side of Nigeria he did not know to exist. That is the one armed with the battle cry of transparency.

Let us be clear: there isn't one Nigerian who does not believe that the subsidy, if it is genuine, should be retained. Not one. The issue is that the amateurish and insensitive handling of it in the face of wholesale corruption, and the implications of that approach.

In a matter of days, against the background of some of Mr. Jonathan's fiendish 2012 budget proposals, his own supporters were cursing his ancestry, ripping down his pictures and calling him the vilest of names. Rare it is in modern political history that "popularity" can turn to loathing so quickly; Mr. Jonathan has somehow managed it in seven months.

Other factors were at play: Before the entire world, Mr. Jonathan was setting aside for himself and his family a life of luxury and opulence, while throwing his beloved people to the wolves. He was surrounding and protecting himself with sophisticated security and armoured cars, while feeding his voters to Boko Haram. The President himself was making it clear: this was not a government of the people; this was a government for itself, by itself and in itself.

That is why it also became quickly obvious to the ordinary man that, beyond the so-called oil subsidy, this conflict is really about the way we are, and how we became this way. We prosper together or crumble together.

That is how, as Jonathan prepared to spend millions of Naira per day on food and gifts and toys, he found he had inadvertently educated Nigerians that the fuel subsidy is a byword for a terrible, more destructive disease: an ailment so fearsome that all the arms of the government are infected.

This ailment is responsible for an irresponsible executive that places no limits on absurdity; one with no commitment so strong it would actually implement an undertaking or a report.

This ailment is why the legislative arm of the government, established to make law, has become a law unto itself, its members arrogantly sitting not only atop Titanic salaries and allowances, but on "constituency" loot that violates the divide between the executive and the legislature.

In other words, the crisis in Nigeria is that those who rule Nigeria have lost all credibility in the eyes of the people. It took Mr. Jonathan only seven months to make this point clear.

Mr. Jonathan is said to be a man of "good luck," although in the past two weeks, I have heard that name shredded creatively. If his government survives, he would have to understand that government-as-usual is over; Nigerians are insisting that the political power relationship must change so that those who rule do not expect to be served, or serve themselves.

Nigerians are asking for a true war against corruption. The evidence before us all is that Mr. Jonathan cannot offer such a commitment because his government is corruption itself. To begin with, Mr. Jonathan himself has refused to declare his assets, which is in many ways a confession of a dark secret. He has also failed to define his so-called transformation agenda; he talks about that agenda all day when all he has is a concept. An agenda, Mr. Reuben Abati would have told him in another life, has form and substance.

Take a look at his cabinet and special advisers, and the assortment of integrity-challenged personnel tells you that this is a government founded on rhetoric and hypocrisy. The paradox of Nigeria comes down to the fact that the people who are being asked to enthrone transparency do not know what transparency is.

Mr. Jonathan claims he wants to fight corruption, but he investigates nobody, arrests nobody, prosecutes nobody. No reports submitted to him are implemented.

This is particularly worrying when you consider his paranoia. Unable to fulfill his promise to bring Boko Haram to its knees, he has now declared it to be present in all arms of the government and the security agencies. Still, the President names nobody, arrests nobody, prosecutes nobody.

This confirms what some of us have been saying for a long time: there is nothing in the character or track record of Mr. Jonathan that makes him suitable to embark on the most fundamental demand Nigerians are making: the arrest of corruption. And yet, if we do not get that, the future will be outlined and defined by greater discontent and violence.

What next? The first thing is that the people must continue their rallies and protests, and insist that their efforts lead to substantive changes. If they do not, not only would all the suffering and deaths of the past two weeks have been for nothing, the Jonathan government will become worse, not better. Evil would have triumphed.

The challenge before us is that the social contract is broken and must be renegotiated. To that extent, the Labour Movement must be clear about one thing: this is a mass protest, not a labour strike. Labour must therefore be careful not to overestimate its role or overreach itself. It is making a wonderful contribution, but the protests preceded Labour intervention. Labour lacks the authority to speak for the people, some of whom are wary of a possible sell-out.

What Labour and others can help to do is help the government to understand that in 2012, the people want a government which locates its mandate in the electorate, not atop, or beyond. They want a government which implements the rule of law, not one which sides with criminals or hides them.

As a result of all this, the Labour Movement would be making a terrible error to assume anyone can turn off the rallies if Mr. Jonathan simply reverses his subsidy policy. If this is clear to Labour, they must work to broaden its discussion with the government to include all facets of society.

Only on such a table can the future, in terms of a meaningful peace deal be fashioned, and must include:

  • · Defining a true offensive against corruption to include independent bodies;
  • · Restructuring the government's anti-corruption bodies so its principal officers are recruited using the same criteria developed by the Justice Uwais commission, through a competitive hiring process mediated by the judiciary;
  • · An independent Ombudsman who publishes quarterly corruption-related reports and monitors public petitions;
  • · A judiciary restructured to undertake corruption prosecutions swiftly and publicly;
  • · A Loot Recovery Initiative for Development (LURID);
  • · A law to protect and reward whistle-blowers;
  • · An Office of Budget and Public Projects Review; and
  • · Election Campaign Finance Law.

We are not going back to 2011.

· sonala.olumhense@gmail.com



1
Re: Beyond, and Beneath, N65
Auspicious posted on 01-15-2012, 14:17:18 PM
Sonala Olumhense

Beyond, and Beneath, N65




If I were a swearing man, I would have sworn that had Mr. Goodluck Jonathan ever imagined that the word "transparency" would come to Nigeria's street lexicon, he would not have hungered for the presidency.

"I do not make empty promises in my campaign because whatever I promise to do, I had already carried out adequate study to make sure I can accomplish it in the next four years" he told the people of Nigeria in Onitsha on February 27, 2011.

The proof does not support that claim, but at the time, some Nigerians seemed to agree with Jonathan that if he, once shoeless, could "do" it, so could they. Many said they hated his party, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) which had historically demonstrated poor faith and form, but they followed Jonathan, swearing they were voting for the man, not the party.

Think about it: for 12 years, through his predecessors, the issue was about control of power, which is why there are two Ps in PDP. It is only fair to assume that Jonathan calculated no differently for his four or seven years.

He took office only on May 29, 2011, but by last week, many of his supporters were left hanging only to guilt and embarrassment. By callously and casually eliminating the phantom subsidy on oil, Mr. Jonathan tore Pandora's Box open to reveal a side of Nigeria he did not know to exist. That is the one armed with the battle cry of transparency.

Let us be clear: there isn't one Nigerian who does not believe that the subsidy, if it is genuine, should be retained. Not one. The issue is that the amateurish and insensitive handling of it in the face of wholesale corruption, and the implications of that approach.

In a matter of days, against the background of some of Mr. Jonathan's fiendish 2012 budget proposals, his own supporters were cursing his ancestry, ripping down his pictures and calling him the vilest of names. Rare it is in modern political history that "popularity" can turn to loathing so quickly; Mr. Jonathan has somehow managed it in seven months.

Other factors were at play: Before the entire world, Mr. Jonathan was setting aside for himself and his family a life of luxury and opulence, while throwing his beloved people to the wolves. He was surrounding and protecting himself with sophisticated security and armoured cars, while feeding his voters to Boko Haram. The President himself was making it clear: this was not a government of the people; this was a government for itself, by itself and in itself.

That is why it also became quickly obvious to the ordinary man that, beyond the so-called oil subsidy, this conflict is really about the way we are, and how we became this way. We prosper together or crumble together.

That is how, as Jonathan prepared to spend millions of Naira per day on food and gifts and toys, he found he had inadvertently educated Nigerians that the fuel subsidy is a byword for a terrible, more destructive disease: an ailment so fearsome that all the arms of the government are infected.

This ailment is responsible for an irresponsible executive that places no limits on absurdity; one with no commitment so strong it would actually implement an undertaking or a report.

This ailment is why the legislative arm of the government, established to make law, has become a law unto itself, its members arrogantly sitting not only atop Titanic salaries and allowances, but on "constituency" loot that violates the divide between the executive and the legislature.

In other words, the crisis in Nigeria is that those who rule Nigeria have lost all credibility in the eyes of the people. It took Mr. Jonathan only seven months to make this point clear.

Mr. Jonathan is said to be a man of "good luck," although in the past two weeks, I have heard that name shredded creatively. If his government survives, he would have to understand that government-as-usual is over; Nigerians are insisting that the political power relationship must change so that those who rule do not expect to be served, or serve themselves.

Nigerians are asking for a true war against corruption. The evidence before us all is that Mr. Jonathan cannot offer such a commitment because his government is corruption itself. To begin with, Mr. Jonathan himself has refused to declare his assets, which is in many ways a confession of a dark secret. He has also failed to define his so-called transformation agenda; he talks about that agenda all day when all he has is a concept. An agenda, Mr. Reuben Abati would have told him in another life, has form and substance.

Take a look at his cabinet and special advisers, and the assortment of integrity-challenged personnel tells you that this is a government founded on rhetoric and hypocrisy. The paradox of Nigeria comes down to the fact that the people who are being asked to enthrone transparency do not know what transparency is.

Mr. Jonathan claims he wants to fight corruption, but he investigates nobody, arrests nobody, prosecutes nobody. No reports submitted to him are implemented.

This is particularly worrying when you consider his paranoia. Unable to fulfill his promise to bring Boko Haram to its knees, he has now declared it to be present in all arms of the government and the security agencies. Still, the President names nobody, arrests nobody, prosecutes nobody.

This confirms what some of us have been saying for a long time: there is nothing in the character or track record of Mr. Jonathan that makes him suitable to embark on the most fundamental demand Nigerians are making: the arrest of corruption. And yet, if we do not get that, the future will be outlined and defined by greater discontent and violence.

What next? The first thing is that the people must continue their rallies and protests, and insist that their efforts lead to substantive changes. If they do not, not only would all the suffering and deaths of the past two weeks have been for nothing, the Jonathan government will become worse, not better. Evil would have triumphed.

The challenge before us is that the social contract is broken and must be renegotiated. To that extent, the Labour Movement must be clear about one thing: this is a mass protest, not a labour strike. Labour must therefore be careful not to overestimate its role or overreach itself. It is making a wonderful contribution, but the protests preceded Labour intervention. Labour lacks the authority to speak for the people, some of whom are wary of a possible sell-out.

What Labour and others can help to do is help the government to understand that in 2012, the people want a government which locates its mandate in the electorate, not atop, or beyond. They want a government which implements the rule of law, not one which sides with criminals or hides them.

As a result of all this, the Labour Movement would be making a terrible error to assume anyone can turn off the rallies if Mr. Jonathan simply reverses his subsidy policy. If this is clear to Labour, they must work to broaden its discussion with the government to include all facets of society.

Only on such a table can the future, in terms of a meaningful peace deal be fashioned, and must include:



  • · Defining a true offensive against corruption to include independent bodies;

  • · Restructuring the government's anti-corruption bodies so its principal officers are recruited using the same criteria developed by the Justice Uwais commission, through a competitive hiring process mediated by the judiciary;

  • · An independent Ombudsman who publishes quarterly corruption-related reports and monitors public petitions;

  • · A judiciary restructured to undertake corruption prosecutions swiftly and publicly;

  • · A Loot Recovery Initiative for Development (LURID);

  • · A law to protect and reward whistle-blowers;

  • · An Office of Budget and Public Projects Review; and

  • · Election Campaign Finance Law.



We are not going back to 2011.

· sonala.olumhense@gmail.com

..Read the full article
Re: Beyond, and Beneath, N65
Auspicious posted on 01-15-2012, 14:17:18 PM
-

Aiti Mi Ph3Y! (said in my conc Ekiti accent)

Kaaabo! O Seun! Thank You!
--
Re: Beyond, and Beneath, N65
Ph3y posted on 01-15-2012, 14:17:18 PM
Sonala Olumhense

Beyond, and Beneath, N65




If I were a swearing man, I would have sworn that had Mr. Goodluck Jonathan ever imagined that the word "transparency" would come to Nigeria's street lexicon, he would not have hungered for the presidency.

"I do not make empty promises in my campaign because whatever I promise to do, I had already carried out adequate study to make sure I can accomplish it in the next four years" he told the people of Nigeria in Onitsha on February 27, 2011.

The proof does not support that claim, but at the time, some Nigerians seemed to agree with Jonathan that if he, once shoeless, could "do" it, so could they. Many said they hated his party, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) which had historically demonstrated poor faith and form, but they followed Jonathan, swearing they were voting for the man, not the party.

Think about it: for 12 years, through his predecessors, the issue was about control of power, which is why there are two Ps in PDP. It is only fair to assume that Jonathan calculated no differently for his four or seven years.

He took office only on May 29, 2011, but by last week, many of his supporters were left hanging only to guilt and embarrassment. By callously and casually eliminating the phantom subsidy on oil, Mr. Jonathan tore Pandora's Box open to reveal a side of Nigeria he did not know to exist. That is the one armed with the battle cry of transparency.

Let us be clear: there isn't one Nigerian who does not believe that the subsidy, if it is genuine, should be retained. Not one. The issue is that the amateurish and insensitive handling of it in the face of wholesale corruption, and the implications of that approach.

In a matter of days, against the background of some of Mr. Jonathan's fiendish 2012 budget proposals, his own supporters were cursing his ancestry, ripping down his pictures and calling him the vilest of names. Rare it is in modern political history that "popularity" can turn to loathing so quickly; Mr. Jonathan has somehow managed it in seven months.

Other factors were at play: Before the entire world, Mr. Jonathan was setting aside for himself and his family a life of luxury and opulence, while throwing his beloved people to the wolves. He was surrounding and protecting himself with sophisticated security and armoured cars, while feeding his voters to Boko Haram. The President himself was making it clear: this was not a government of the people; this was a government for itself, by itself and in itself.

That is why it also became quickly obvious to the ordinary man that, beyond the so-called oil subsidy, this conflict is really about the way we are, and how we became this way. We prosper together or crumble together.

That is how, as Jonathan prepared to spend millions of Naira per day on food and gifts and toys, he found he had inadvertently educated Nigerians that the fuel subsidy is a byword for a terrible, more destructive disease: an ailment so fearsome that all the arms of the government are infected.

This ailment is responsible for an irresponsible executive that places no limits on absurdity; one with no commitment so strong it would actually implement an undertaking or a report.

This ailment is why the legislative arm of the government, established to make law, has become a law unto itself, its members arrogantly sitting not only atop Titanic salaries and allowances, but on "constituency" loot that violates the divide between the executive and the legislature.

In other words, the crisis in Nigeria is that those who rule Nigeria have lost all credibility in the eyes of the people. It took Mr. Jonathan only seven months to make this point clear.

Mr. Jonathan is said to be a man of "good luck," although in the past two weeks, I have heard that name shredded creatively. If his government survives, he would have to understand that government-as-usual is over; Nigerians are insisting that the political power relationship must change so that those who rule do not expect to be served, or serve themselves.

Nigerians are asking for a true war against corruption. The evidence before us all is that Mr. Jonathan cannot offer such a commitment because his government is corruption itself. To begin with, Mr. Jonathan himself has refused to declare his assets, which is in many ways a confession of a dark secret. He has also failed to define his so-called transformation agenda; he talks about that agenda all day when all he has is a concept. An agenda, Mr. Reuben Abati would have told him in another life, has form and substance.

Take a look at his cabinet and special advisers, and the assortment of integrity-challenged personnel tells you that this is a government founded on rhetoric and hypocrisy. The paradox of Nigeria comes down to the fact that the people who are being asked to enthrone transparency do not know what transparency is.

Mr. Jonathan claims he wants to fight corruption, but he investigates nobody, arrests nobody, prosecutes nobody. No reports submitted to him are implemented.

This is particularly worrying when you consider his paranoia. Unable to fulfill his promise to bring Boko Haram to its knees, he has now declared it to be present in all arms of the government and the security agencies. Still, the President names nobody, arrests nobody, prosecutes nobody.

This confirms what some of us have been saying for a long time: there is nothing in the character or track record of Mr. Jonathan that makes him suitable to embark on the most fundamental demand Nigerians are making: the arrest of corruption. And yet, if we do not get that, the future will be outlined and defined by greater discontent and violence.

What next? The first thing is that the people must continue their rallies and protests, and insist that their efforts lead to substantive changes. If they do not, not only would all the suffering and deaths of the past two weeks have been for nothing, the Jonathan government will become worse, not better. Evil would have triumphed.

The challenge before us is that the social contract is broken and must be renegotiated. To that extent, the Labour Movement must be clear about one thing: this is a mass protest, not a labour strike. Labour must therefore be careful not to overestimate its role or overreach itself. It is making a wonderful contribution, but the protests preceded Labour intervention. Labour lacks the authority to speak for the people, some of whom are wary of a possible sell-out.

What Labour and others can help to do is help the government to understand that in 2012, the people want a government which locates its mandate in the electorate, not atop, or beyond. They want a government which implements the rule of law, not one which sides with criminals or hides them.

As a result of all this, the Labour Movement would be making a terrible error to assume anyone can turn off the rallies if Mr. Jonathan simply reverses his subsidy policy. If this is clear to Labour, they must work to broaden its discussion with the government to include all facets of society.

Only on such a table can the future, in terms of a meaningful peace deal be fashioned, and must include:



  • · Defining a true offensive against corruption to include independent bodies;

  • · Restructuring the government's anti-corruption bodies so its principal officers are recruited using the same criteria developed by the Justice Uwais commission, through a competitive hiring process mediated by the judiciary;

  • · An independent Ombudsman who publishes quarterly corruption-related reports and monitors public petitions;

  • · A judiciary restructured to undertake corruption prosecutions swiftly and publicly;

  • · A Loot Recovery Initiative for Development (LURID);

  • · A law to protect and reward whistle-blowers;

  • · An Office of Budget and Public Projects Review; and

  • · Election Campaign Finance Law.



We are not going back to 2011.

· sonala.olumhense@gmail.com

..Read the full article
Re: Beyond, and Beneath, N65
Datuouwadaberechi posted on 01-16-2012, 11:58:27 AM
in addition to the items for negotiation, is the bogus and oversized government and the undeserved remuneration of our political appointees.... a good starting point would be to halve both their size and their remuneration to discourage ppl vying for such offices just as a way to get rich
Re: Beyond, and Beneath, N65
Bode Eluyera posted on 01-19-2012, 08:22:34 AM
[B][U]WE MUST NOT ALLOW JONATHAN, THE PDP AND THE BANDITS SURROUNDING HIM TO GO SCOTT FREE WITH THIS - UNLESS WE ARE MONKEYS!!!

IT'S HIGH TIME WE TOLD THEM THAT WE ARE NOT MONKEYS BUT DECENT HUMAN -BEINGS - MUCH MORE DECENT THAN THEM!!
[/U][/B]


First, I want to make a very important clearification. According to a live interview recently given by Prof. Tam David-West, a man of integrity, the former minister of petroleum under Buhari, in actual fact, the federal government had NEVER subsidized petroleum! So, the whole idea about removal of subsidy now in order to finance capital intensive infrastructures is nothing but 419 and fraud.

The present serious economic crises that we are facing today are accumulated results of bad decisions, leadership, corruption and ineffective management (mismanagement) of the economy for 51 years. Imagine a situation whereby a business man runs his company/business badly: he overpays his unproductive half-baked senior management(top managers of little or no use), uses the most expensive and most costly to maintain equipments, uses the most expensive raw materials for production, e.t.c. Instead of introducing a 'strict cost control/management' program' so that his products would be competitive and/or affordable, he did not bother to do that and decided to pass on the FULL COST to the buyers/consumers - who unfortunately have no choice/alternative since the product has no other alternative.

The federal government has borrowed billions of dollars from international lenders to finance projects that are no where to be found and have instead embezzled the money. The masses are expected to bear the brunt. Poor Nigerians suffer in two ways: they can not enjoy the projects for which the money was borrowed in the first place and they are expected now to pay back the loans through the high petroleum price.

Could you imagine that over a third(according to some figures, it's even up to 75%) of the country's earnings from oil go into supporting the president, government and the legislators. Which explains the reason why the little remaining is barely enough to finance any big project. What jonathan badluck ought to have done was to first cut at least by 80% the cost of running the government. Conduct an independent and comprehensive audit(much wider than financial audit and the one conducted by kpmg) of the NNPC and the country's oil and gas sector in general, and publish the result. I wrote about the need for this in some of my articles a couple of years ago. Nigerians have the full right to know the state of the health of the country's goose that lays the golden eggs before asking them to make any unjustified sacrifice. Thirdly, in order to increase his credibility and the trust of Nigerians in him and his government, he ought to have completed a couple of capital projects of regional and/or national significance - like the river niger bridge, rail network system e.t.c.

It's obvious that jonathan is a coward without balls, and far from being a man of his own. It's disgusting watching him speak with Hillary Clinton during the UN Summit last year. Apart from the fact that he did not look presidential in any way, he created an impression of lost and obedient fisher-man who was being instructed on the next tasks to be performed on getting home. Undoubtedly, this oil subsidy was imposed on Nigerians by the IMF, World Bank and western countries through jonathan badluck and their trusted servant, ngozi iweala-[B]okonja[/B]. Their major roles is to destroy our economy completely, make it more dependent and allow them to cash in on the oportunities. It's now more than obvious that jonathan is a heartless ruler. Less than 3 months after he took over from Yaradua, I wrote in one of my series titled " [B]Why Jonathan, Aganga And Allison-madueke Must Be Removed Now at Any Cost!,[/B] that it was not only more than obvious that jonathan lacked the necessary background and experience to become a good president and that he is in no way different from his corrupt, incompetent, visionless and morally bankrupt predecessors like babangida, but as well wrote that he really posed a very threat to Nigeria's political stability, sovereignty, economic development and the lives of Nigerians and that if they voted for him they would live to regret. Some people thought that I was being too harsh then and that the hat-loving fisher man should be given some time more to prove his worth. Unfortunately, time has proved me right. The least we can do now is not only to resist jonathan's economic policies strongly, but as well make sure that come 2015 PDP would loose the presidential elections and would not be able to rig themselves into power again as they have always done. This is one of the biggest challenges before us now. In order to make this a reality, we should start campaigning for Nigerians in diaspora to be registered on time so that we can all take part in the 2015 elections and vote out jonathan with his thieves and crooks that have held Nigeria and Nigerians to ransome for 51 years. This is a goal that is more than achievable if we are well organized and steadfast. It's high time we understand that writing/publishing protest articles alone will not change things for the better in Nigeria. In adition, we seize every oportunity at any international gathering and forum to criticize and castigate [B]jonathan badluck[/B] personally as mediocre, opportunist, western puppet and a sadist who derives great pleasure from the sufferings of Nigerians. We need to leave our comfort zones and be 'physically' involved in the processes 'at all levels!' This is the only way out.


[B]MAY THE GOD ALMIGHTY PUNISH ALL THOSE(TOGETHER WITH ALL MEMBERS OF THEIR FAMILIES) WHO PURPOSELY MAKE LIFE UNBEARABLE FOR NIGERIANS WITHOUT ANY JUSTIFICATION!!!! AMEN

YOU ARE FREE TO REPUBLISH THIS POST ON YOUR BLOG, SOCIAL WEB SITES AND SEND IT TO FRIENDS, COLLEAGUES, POLITICIANS, HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVISTS . THANK YOU[
/B]
Re: Beyond, and Beneath, N65
Bode Eluyera posted on 01-19-2012, 08:27:20 AM
]DIDN'T I WARN YOU ABOUT jONATHAN bADLUCK?!!!! NOW YOU ONLY HAVE YOURSELVES TO BLAME!!!
[/U][/B]

Yeye president!!!!!! Opportunist!!!!! You are not even fit to be the head of department of fishery and zoology talkless of the dean of the faculty. Sadly, by mere luck and circumstances, you are the president of Nigeria today. God don butter your bread, but mind NOT FOR LONG!!! WE WILL GET BACK TO YOU LATER ONE WAY OR THE OTHER. You won't go scott free with this. Ogogoro president. You are not a leader but a BRUTAL, HEARTLESS AND INSENSITIVE RULER/DICTATOR. You have brought more badluck and hardship to Nigeria and Nigerians since your American, British and French masters imposed you on us. Puppet president!!! Right from the onset, I knew that you could not be trusted. You are a CIA agent. You will be exposed and disgraced from office very soon.

YOU WILL NOT COMPLETE YOUR TERM IN PEACE AND GOOD HEALTH!!! MAY SHANGO PUNISH YOU, THE CROOKS AROUND YOU AND YOUR MASTERS!!!

PDP = PARTY OF DUPERS(419) AND PUPPETS(WESTERN)


[B]YOU ARE FREE TO REPUBLISH THIS POST ON YOUR BLOG, SOCIAL WEB SITES AND SEND IT TO FRIENDS, COLLEAGUES, POLITICIANS, HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVISTS . THANK YOU
1
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