Few Gains, Many Pains

In the last twelve weeks, this column has focused attention away from analyzing governance of our nation at federal level to the 36 states and their budgets. We analyzed ten state budgets - statistically-significant sample from which some stylized conclusions about the quality of governance will be presented next week. Today, we want to look at the thirteen years of experience with civilian (rather than democratic) rule. I am reluctant to use democracy at this point.

alt

The starting point for an assessment of civil rule since 1999 is a deserved tribute to the many Nigerians from all walks of life whose efforts and sacrifices compelled the military to retreat to the barracks. It was a titanic effort, a struggle for which many died, countless were bloodied and many lost livelihoods and liberty. Freedom stirs in the hearts of humanity; neither blandishments nor the whip of tyrants can extinguish these stirrings or even deter a determined people from securing it. Freedom is a wonderful value, and the events of the last 15 years of military rule ought to have convinced everybody that democracy, anchored on fair elections, the rule of law and good governance, is the way to go. In 1998, Nigerians overwhelmingly decided that never again will we accept the shortcuts of military rule and the long nightmare of tragedy that accompanied it. It seems that in 13 years, we have forgotten all that and we seem to have mostly evil emperors at the helm that are more banal than the military dictators, but far less competent in governing.

Those of us privileged to have contributed in the design of the transition program after Abacha's death in June 1998 are proud that it ended with President Olusegun Obasanjo taking the reins in May 1999. Six moths later, I was leading the federal privatization effort and in 2003, administering the FCT. As a private citizen since 2007, I have reflected on our country's journey, and my view is that while we have many things to celebrate, where we have ended up now gives us much more to deplore.

Warts and all, we have preserved some prospect for genuine democratic governance. Some fraudulent elections have been overturned and illegal impeachments quashed. Nigerians even united to surprise and defeat the third-term attempt of a sitting president. With vigilance and will, we can invest real substance into the democratic structures that we have and make real the vision that our people can prosper in freedom. The notion of the citizenship rights is getting reinforced, despite the prolonged hangover afflicting sections of the security establishment. This increased awareness of human rights has sometimes been upheld by the courts that have survived the onslaught of a destructive chief justice that should have never been allowed near that exalted office.

While democracy satisfies the intrinsic desire for freedom, it is its instrumental value that ultimately matters for the quotidian realities and longer-term interests of most citizens. People want freedom, but that must include the freedom not to be bombed while worshipping or shopping, and not to starve. It includes freedom to live in dignity, with equal access to social services and to realize the potential their talents can legitimately secure.

Civilian rule sold off fiscal drain-pipes owned by government that were arrogant, insular and provided poor services. The telecommunications sector was liberalized bringing in private investment, creating ancillary businesses, over 60,000 jobs and putting a telephone in the hands of virtually every citizen that wants it. We saw the beginnings of a consumer credit system, and even a pilot mortgage scheme that assisted many buyers of Federal Government houses in Abuja. Nigeria won external debt reliefs, consolidated its banking system and witnessed rapid economic growth, no doubt assisted also by high oil prices. Our foreign reserves grew and we even created a 'rainy day' fund called the Excess Crude Account (ECA).

By 2007, the Yar'Adua-Jonathan government inherited vast foreign reserves ($43bn), on-going power projects (NIPP-$5bn), new rail systems from Lagos to Kano ($8bn) and Abuja Metro ($800 million), a healthy ECA ($27bn) - in short a basis to hit the ground running, complete on-going projects, initiate new ones and continue addressing Nigeria's infrastructure deficits. Alas, after $200bn had been earned and spent, that did not happen. What happened?

Despite these accomplishments of the Obasanjo government, it was by no means a perfect government, just an effective one. It's attention to the rule of law was uneven. We recall the brazenness with which a well-connected thug sponsored arson against government buildings in Anambra State as an assault against Governor Chris Ngige from whom he was estranged. That thug was not called to account; instead he was elevated to his party's board of trustees. If people consistently escape justice because of their connections to power, it is an open invitation to people of lesser quality to seize the state and suitably defile it. Impunity then replaced even-handed common sense and decency.

We also managed to compound impunity by assaulting the very basis of democratic legitimacy: free and fair elections. It is a fact that elections in Nigeria have been progressively worse since 1999. International and domestic observers gave devastating verdicts on the conduct of the 2003 elections. Those of 2007 were so awful that the key beneficiary felt compelled to admit as much in his inaugural speech as president. Despite the initial façade, the 2011 elections turned out to be not only similarly flawed, but one of the most deceptive and divisive in our electoral history.

Yet true democracy ought not to make people frightened of the consequences of not being in power. With term limits, losers are guaranteed another stab in just a few years. And where the rule of law prevails, an electoral loss is not the same thing as exclusion from the political space and vigorous participation in the process. But such political sophistication prevails only when there's certainty about electoral integrity and where the respect for the rule of law has become part of the DNA.

Simply put we have lost the opportunity to routinize the spirit of democracy while we stay busy observing its formal rituals. It was perhaps inevitable that the words of Plato that “the punishment we suffer, if we refuse to take an interest in matters of government, is to live under the government of worse men” would catch up with us.

Since 2000, there has been an unacceptable mayhem and bloodshed in Nigeria. The exacerbation of religious and ethnic tensions expressed in violent hues has been one of the most disappointing features of the new civilian era. Democracy would have offered a civilized way to negotiate and manage differences without breaking bones. It thrives on the ability of contending factions to work out a consensus and to summon sufficient coherence to make things work. It is disheartening that virtual apartheid, based on religion, is beginning to divide cities like my hometown of Kaduna, with people being restricted to their respective ghettoes of faith. At the heart of democracy is a universal idea, but a key feature of present-day Nigeria is an astounding narrow-mindedness.

It is necessary that we reflect on the probability that by giving undue credence to ethnic and religious group rights, we imperil not only individual rights but also destroy the possibility of building a nation where everyone belongs and feels safe everywhere. Our political elites have encouraged divisions that keep them in office, forgetting that the depletion of trust and cohesion will make it difficult if not impossible for them to enjoy the fruits of the office! This created the insecurity we now suffer all over the country.

We have a centralized police force afflicted both by little self-respect and a limited sense of its mandate. The efforts to contain Boko Haram's terror has shown that our intelligence gathering apparatus is not fit for purpose, and our security agencies lacking in internal capacity and capability beyond harassing those of us in opposition. The pathetic manner public streets are blocked in the vicinities of security and defense establishments makes the citizens wonder – if those trained and armed to defend us are so scared of the terrorists, how can we expect them to defend the realm? Are they concerned only about their safety and that of those in power?

We have not built as much infrastructure as our development requires, and we have failed to moderate our escalating cost of governance. More importantly, democratic Nigeria is yet to grow in a way that can democratize its fruits through the creation of jobs for our youths. As we dither, divide our citizens, and condone fraud and corruption, the world just leaves us behind.

There is no doubt in my mind that we need to give our people a stake in keeping democracy aglow. History shows that even in the developed societies, extremist groups attract more support in moments of economic hardship. And when this is compounded by corruption and politics of self-advancement of a few, and the economic exclusion of the many, only the peace of the graveyard can result. How do we reverse these tendencies and make democracy work for the greatest number of Nigerians?

Our political culture must change from one of self-enrichment to true public service. The situation in which we spend almost the entire federal revenues for the running cost of government is unacceptable and will crash this democratic experiment – albeit a thirteen year one. Elections must be credible, free and fair because that is what will guarantee the ejection of those that fail the electorate. It is entirely up to INEC and the authorities to ensure these happen otherwise the consequences will be dire.

Insecurity is the front-burning issue. It is the primary responsibility of any government which can neither be abdicated nor outsourced. Community leaders and civil society can support the government, but not replace it. The government must adopt a multiple approach that includes enhancing the intelligence-gathering capacities of our security forces and creating an environment for job creation for the hopeless youths that are being recruited by the terrorists. The administration should therefore stop behaving like a victim and get on with the job!

Finally, a single-minded focus on development – physical via infrastructure build-out, human by providing equal access to public education and healthcare, and social services that enable citizens the opportunity to realize their full potentials. Those that are in power that cannot do this at all levels should do the honorable thing - resign and allow others that can . We need people that stay awake thinking, and investing the time and effort to get our country working even just a little bit. Apart from fraud and corruption in government, compounded by hatred and suspicion amongst he populace - nothing seems to be growing in Nigeria today.



1
[Column] Few Gains, Many Pains
Nasir El-Rufai posted on 07-20-2012, 01:42:03 AM
In the last twelve weeks, this column has focused attention away from analyzing governance of our nation at federal level to the 36 states and their budgets. We analyzed ten state budgets - statistically-significant sample from which some stylized conclusions about the quality of governance will be presented next week. Today, we want to look at the thirteen years of experience with civilian (rather than democratic) rule. I am reluctant to use democracy at this point.

user posted image

The starting point for an assessment of civil rule since 1999 is a deserved tribute to the many Nigerians from all walks of life whose efforts and sacrifices compelled the military to retreat to the barracks. It was a titanic effort, a struggle for which many died, countless were bloodied and many lost livelihoods and liberty. Freedom stirs in the hearts of humanity; neither blandishments nor the whip of tyrants can extinguish these stirrings or even deter a determined people from securing it. Freedom is a wonderful value, and the events of the last 15 years of military rule ought to have convinced everybody that democracy, anchored on fair elections, the rule of law and good governance, is the way to go. In 1998, Nigerians overwhelmingly decided that never again will we accept the shortcuts of military rule and the long nightmare of tragedy that accompanied it. It seems that in 13 years, we have forgotten all that and we seem to have mostly evil emperors at the helm that are more banal than the military dictators, but far less competent in governing.

Those of us privileged to have contributed in the design of the transition program after Abacha's death in June 1998 are proud that it ended with President Olusegun Obasanjo taking the reins in May 1999. Six moths later, I was leading the federal privatization effort and in 2003, administering the FCT. As a private citizen since 2007, I have reflected on our country's journey, and my view is that while we have many things to celebrate, where we have ended up now gives us much more to deplore.

Warts and all, we have preserved some prospect for genuine democratic governance. Some fraudulent elections have been overturned and illegal impeachments quashed. Nigerians even united to surprise and defeat the third-term attempt of a sitting president. With vigilance and will, we can invest real substance into the democratic structures that we have and make real the vision that our people can prosper in freedom. The notion of the citizenship rights is getting reinforced, despite the prolonged hangover afflicting sections of the security establishment. This increased awareness of human rights has sometimes been upheld by the courts that have survived the onslaught of a destructive chief justice that should have never been allowed near that exalted office.

While democracy satisfies the intrinsic desire for freedom, it is its instrumental value that ultimately matters for the quotidian realities and longer-term interests of most citizens. People want freedom, but that must include the freedom not to be bombed while worshipping or shopping, and not to starve. It includes freedom to live in dignity, with equal access to social services and to realize the potential their talents can legitimately secure.

Civilian rule sold off fiscal drain-pipes owned by government that were arrogant, insular and provided poor services. The telecommunications sector was liberalized bringing in private investment, creating ancillary businesses, over 60,000 jobs and putting a telephone in the hands of virtually every citizen that wants it. We saw the beginnings of a consumer credit system, and even a pilot mortgage scheme that assisted many buyers of Federal Government houses in Abuja. Nigeria won external debt reliefs, consolidated its banking system and witnessed rapid economic growth, no doubt assisted also by high oil prices. Our foreign reserves grew and we even created a 'rainy day' fund called the Excess Crude Account (ECA).

By 2007, the Yar'Adua-Jonathan government inherited vast foreign reserves ($43bn), on-going power projects (NIPP-$5bn), new rail systems from Lagos to Kano ($8bn) and Abuja Metro ($800 million), a healthy ECA ($27bn) - in short a basis to hit the ground running, complete on-going projects, initiate new ones and continue addressing Nigeria's infrastructure deficits. Alas, after $200bn had been earned and spent, that did not happen. What happened?

Despite these accomplishments of the Obasanjo government, it was by no means a perfect government, just an effective one. It's attention to the rule of law was uneven. We recall the brazenness with which a well-connected thug sponsored arson against government buildings in Anambra State as an assault against Governor Chris Ngige from whom he was estranged. That thug was not called to account; instead he was elevated to his party's board of trustees. If people consistently escape justice because of their connections to power, it is an open invitation to people of lesser quality to seize the state and suitably defile it. Impunity then replaced even-handed common sense and decency.

We also managed to compound impunity by assaulting the very basis of democratic legitimacy: free and fair elections. It is a fact that elections in Nigeria have been progressively worse since 1999. International and domestic observers gave devastating verdicts on the conduct of the 2003 elections. Those of 2007 were so awful that the key beneficiary felt compelled to admit as much in his inaugural speech as president. Despite the initial façade, the 2011 elections turned out to be not only similarly flawed, but one of the most deceptive and divisive in our electoral history.

Yet true democracy ought not to make people frightened of the consequences of not being in power. With term limits, losers are guaranteed another stab in just a few years. And where the rule of law prevails, an electoral loss is not the same thing as exclusion from the political space and vigorous participation in the process. But such political sophistication prevails only when there's certainty about electoral integrity and where the respect for the rule of law has become part of the DNA.      Â

Simply put we have lost the opportunity to routinize the spirit of democracy while we stay busy observing its formal rituals. It was perhaps inevitable that the words of Plato that “the punishment we suffer, if we refuse to take an interest in matters of government, is to live under the government of worse men” would catch up with us.

Since 2000, there has been an unacceptable mayhem and bloodshed in Nigeria. The exacerbation of religious and ethnic tensions expressed in violent hues has been one of the most disappointing features of the new civilian era. Democracy would have offered a civilized way to negotiate and manage differences without breaking bones. It thrives on the ability of contending factions to work out a consensus and to summon sufficient coherence to make things work. It is disheartening that virtual apartheid, based on religion, is beginning to divide cities like my hometown of Kaduna, with people being restricted to their respective ghettoes of faith. At the heart of democracy is a universal idea, but a key feature of present-day Nigeria is an astounding narrow-mindedness.

It is necessary that we reflect on the probability that by giving undue credence to ethnic and religious group rights, we imperil not only individual rights but also destroy the possibility of building a nation where everyone belongs and feels safe everywhere. Our political elites have encouraged divisions that keep them in office, forgetting that the depletion of trust and cohesion will make it difficult if not impossible for them to enjoy the fruits of the office! This created the insecurity we now suffer all over the country.

We have a centralized police force afflicted both by little self-respect and a limited sense of its mandate. The efforts to contain Boko Haram's terror has shown that our intelligence gathering apparatus is not fit for purpose, and our security agencies lacking in internal capacity and capability beyond harassing those of us in opposition. The pathetic manner public streets are blocked in the vicinities of security and defense establishments makes the citizens wonder – if those trained and armed to defend us are so scared of the terrorists, how can we expect them to defend the realm? Are they concerned only about their safety and that of those in power?

We have not built as much infrastructure as our development requires, and we have failed to moderate our escalating cost of governance. More importantly, democratic Nigeria is yet to grow in a way that can democratize its fruits through the creation of jobs for our youths. As we dither, divide our citizens, and condone fraud and corruption, the world just leaves us behind.

There is no doubt in my mind that we need to give our people a stake in keeping democracy aglow. History shows that even in the developed societies, extremist groups attract more support in moments of economic hardship. And when this is compounded by corruption and politics of self-advancement of a few, and the economic exclusion of the many, only the peace of the graveyard can result. How do we reverse these tendencies and make democracy work for the greatest number of Nigerians?

Our political culture must change from one of self-enrichment to true public service. The situation in which we spend almost the entire federal revenues for the running cost of government is unacceptable and will crash this democratic experiment – albeit a thirteen year one. Elections must be credible, free and fair because that is what will guarantee the ejection of those that fail the electorate. It is entirely up to INEC and the authorities to ensure these happen otherwise the consequences will be dire.

Insecurity is the front-burning issue. It is the primary responsibility of any government which can neither be abdicated nor outsourced. Community leaders and civil society can support the government, but not replace it. The government must adopt a multiple approach that includes enhancing the intelligence-gathering capacities of our security forces and creating an environment for job creation for the hopeless youths that are being recruited by the terrorists. The administration should therefore stop behaving like a victim and get on with the job!

Finally, a single-minded focus on development – physical via infrastructure build-out, human by providing equal access to public education and healthcare, and social services that enable citizens the opportunity to realize their full potentials. Those that are in power that cannot do this at all levels should do the honorable thing - resign and allow others that can . We need people that stay awake thinking, and investing the time and effort to get our country working even just a little bit. Apart from fraud and corruption in government, compounded by hatred and suspicion amongst he populace - nothing seems to be growing in Nigeria today.

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Read full article
Re: Few Gains, Many Pains
Bode Eluyera posted on 07-20-2012, 01:42:03 AM


In the last twelve weeks, this column has focused attention away from analyzing governance of our nation at federal level to the 36 states and their budgets. We analyzed ten state budgets - statistically-significant sample from which some stylized conclusions about the quality of governance will be presented next week. Today, we want to look at the thirteen years of experience with civilian (rather than democratic) rule. I am reluctant to use democracy at this point.



alt



The starting point for an assessment of civil rule since 1999 is a deserved tribute to the many Nigerians from all walks of life whose efforts and sacrifices compelled the military to retreat to the barracks. It was a titanic effort, a struggle for which many died, countless were bloodied and many lost livelihoods and liberty. Freedom stirs in the hearts of humanity; neither blandishments nor the whip of tyrants can extinguish these stirrings or even deter a determined people from securing it. Freedom is a wonderful value, and the events of the last 15 years of military rule ought to have convinced everybody that democracy, anchored on fair elections, the rule of law and good governance, is the way to go. In 1998, Nigerians overwhelmingly decided that never again will we accept the shortcuts of military rule and the long nightmare of tragedy that accompanied it. It seems that in 13 years, we have forgotten all that and we seem to have mostly evil emperors at the helm that are more banal than the military dictators, but far less competent in governing.



Those of us privileged to have contributed in the design of the transition program after Abacha's death in June 1998 are proud that it ended with President Olusegun Obasanjo taking the reins in May 1999. Six moths later, I was leading the federal privatization effort and in 2003, administering the FCT. As a private citizen since 2007, I have reflected on our country's journey, and my view is that while we have many things to celebrate, where we have ended up now gives us much more to deplore.



Warts and all, we have preserved some prospect for genuine democratic governance. Some fraudulent elections have been overturned and illegal impeachments quashed. Nigerians even united to surprise and defeat the third-term attempt of a sitting president. With vigilance and will, we can invest real substance into the democratic structures that we have and make real the vision that our people can prosper in freedom. The notion of the citizenship rights is getting reinforced, despite the prolonged hangover afflicting sections of the security establishment. This increased awareness of human rights has sometimes been upheld by the courts that have survived the onslaught of a destructive chief justice that should have never been allowed near that exalted office.



While democracy satisfies the intrinsic desire for freedom, it is its instrumental value that ultimately matters for the quotidian realities and longer-term interests of most citizens. People want freedom, but that must include the freedom not to be bombed while worshipping or shopping, and not to starve. It includes freedom to live in dignity, with equal access to social services and to realize the potential their talents can legitimately secure.



Civilian rule sold off fiscal drain-pipes owned by government that were arrogant, insular and provided poor services. The telecommunications sector was liberalized bringing in private investment, creating ancillary businesses, over 60,000 jobs and putting a telephone in the hands of virtually every citizen that wants it. We saw the beginnings of a consumer credit system, and even a pilot mortgage scheme that assisted many buyers of Federal Government houses in Abuja. Nigeria won external debt reliefs, consolidated its banking system and witnessed rapid economic growth, no doubt assisted also by high oil prices. Our foreign reserves grew and we even created a 'rainy day' fund called the Excess Crude Account (ECA).



By 2007, the Yar'Adua-Jonathan government inherited vast foreign reserves ($43bn), on-going power projects (NIPP-$5bn), new rail systems from Lagos to Kano ($8bn) and Abuja Metro ($800 million), a healthy ECA ($27bn) - in short a basis to hit the ground running, complete on-going projects, initiate new ones and continue addressing Nigeria's infrastructure deficits. Alas, after $200bn had been earned and spent, that did not happen. What happened?



Despite these accomplishments of the Obasanjo government, it was by no means a perfect government, just an effective one. It's attention to the rule of law was uneven. We recall the brazenness with which a well-connected thug sponsored arson against government buildings in Anambra State as an assault against Governor Chris Ngige from whom he was estranged. That thug was not called to account; instead he was elevated to his party's board of trustees. If people consistently escape justice because of their connections to power, it is an open invitation to people of lesser quality to seize the state and suitably defile it. Impunity then replaced even-handed common sense and decency.



We also managed to compound impunity by assaulting the very basis of democratic legitimacy: free and fair elections. It is a fact that elections in Nigeria have been progressively worse since 1999. International and domestic observers gave devastating verdicts on the conduct of the 2003 elections. Those of 2007 were so awful that the key beneficiary felt compelled to admit as much in his inaugural speech as president. Despite the initial façade, the 2011 elections turned out to be not only similarly flawed, but one of the most deceptive and divisive in our electoral history.



Yet true democracy ought not to make people frightened of the consequences of not being in power. With term limits, losers are guaranteed another stab in just a few years. And where the rule of law prevails, an electoral loss is not the same thing as exclusion from the political space and vigorous participation in the process. But such political sophistication prevails only when there's certainty about electoral integrity and where the respect for the rule of law has become part of the DNA.



Simply put we have lost the opportunity to routinize the spirit of democracy while we stay busy observing its formal rituals. It was perhaps inevitable that the words of Plato that “the punishment we suffer, if we refuse to take an interest in matters of government, is to live under the government of worse men” would catch up with us.



Since 2000, there has been an unacceptable mayhem and bloodshed in Nigeria. The exacerbation of religious and ethnic tensions expressed in violent hues has been one of the most disappointing features of the new civilian era. Democracy would have offered a civilized way to negotiate and manage differences without breaking bones. It thrives on the ability of contending factions to work out a consensus and to summon sufficient coherence to make things work. It is disheartening that virtual apartheid, based on religion, is beginning to divide cities like my hometown of Kaduna, with people being restricted to their respective ghettoes of faith. At the heart of democracy is a universal idea, but a key feature of present-day Nigeria is an astounding narrow-mindedness.



It is necessary that we reflect on the probability that by giving undue credence to ethnic and religious group rights, we imperil not only individual rights but also destroy the possibility of building a nation where everyone belongs and feels safe everywhere. Our political elites have encouraged divisions that keep them in office, forgetting that the depletion of trust and cohesion will make it difficult if not impossible for them to enjoy the fruits of the office! This created the insecurity we now suffer all over the country.



We have a centralized police force afflicted both by little self-respect and a limited sense of its mandate. The efforts to contain Boko Haram's terror has shown that our intelligence gathering apparatus is not fit for purpose, and our security agencies lacking in internal capacity and capability beyond harassing those of us in opposition. The pathetic manner public streets are blocked in the vicinities of security and defense establishments makes the citizens wonder – if those trained and armed to defend us are so scared of the terrorists, how can we expect them to defend the realm? Are they concerned only about their safety and that of those in power?



We have not built as much infrastructure as our development requires, and we have failed to moderate our escalating cost of governance. More importantly, democratic Nigeria is yet to grow in a way that can democratize its fruits through the creation of jobs for our youths. As we dither, divide our citizens, and condone fraud and corruption, the world just leaves us behind.



There is no doubt in my mind that we need to give our people a stake in keeping democracy aglow. History shows that even in the developed societies, extremist groups attract more support in moments of economic hardship. And when this is compounded by corruption and politics of self-advancement of a few, and the economic exclusion of the many, only the peace of the graveyard can result. How do we reverse these tendencies and make democracy work for the greatest number of Nigerians?



Our political culture must change from one of self-enrichment to true public service. The situation in which we spend almost the entire federal revenues for the running cost of government is unacceptable and will crash this democratic experiment – albeit a thirteen year one. Elections must be credible, free and fair because that is what will guarantee the ejection of those that fail the electorate. It is entirely up to INEC and the authorities to ensure these happen otherwise the consequences will be dire.



Insecurity is the front-burning issue. It is the primary responsibility of any government which can neither be abdicated nor outsourced. Community leaders and civil society can support the government, but not replace it. The government must adopt a multiple approach that includes enhancing the intelligence-gathering capacities of our security forces and creating an environment for job creation for the hopeless youths that are being recruited by the terrorists. The administration should therefore stop behaving like a victim and get on with the job!



Finally, a single-minded focus on development – physical via infrastructure build-out, human by providing equal access to public education and healthcare, and social services that enable citizens the opportunity to realize their full potentials. Those that are in power that cannot do this at all levels should do the honorable thing - resign and allow others that can . We need people that stay awake thinking, and investing the time and effort to get our country working even just a little bit. Apart from fraud and corruption in government, compounded by hatred and suspicion amongst he populace - nothing seems to be growing in Nigeria today.









..Read the full article
Re: Few Gains, Many Pains
Chrrislyne posted on 07-20-2012, 07:32:07 AM
QUOTE:
We need people that stay awake thinking, and investing the time and effort to get our country working even just a little bit. Apart from fraud and corruption in government, compounded by hatred and suspicion amongst he populace - nothing seems to be growing in Nigeria today.
. But where can we find them, when those who seems to have such qualities are just wearing the cloak.
Re: Few Gains, Many Pains
Bode Eluyera posted on 07-20-2012, 09:04:28 AM
QUOTE:
Chief Obafemi Awolowo said something similar many years ago, you echo his thoughts.This could only mean one thing, you found a father in his ideas. I think ideas based on study, experience and reflection is what makes some truths eternal.

I believe your best years are ahead of you if you continue to apply yourself in this fashion. For me it is irrelevant that you are Hausa Fulani, I think what is most important is the power of your ideas. You don't have to wear an Awolowo cap or Gandhi rims to subscribe to his rigorous thinking, but you subscribe when you study, reflect and come to the same conclusion of his arguments that was made in a time Nigeria was just starting out.

This is one of your best essays. Great work!



WHEN ASSESSING NASIR EL-RUFAI, PLEASE LOOK BEYOND THE WORDS!!!


WE ARE DEALING WITH A CUNNING FOX


@Katampe.

With all respect for your opinion, at the same time, I need to draw your attention to the fact that El-Rufai is a cunning fox and dubious character who wants to sweet talk his way into Aso rock. His hidden intention is to win naive supporters through his cheap articles. Those articles that he is churning out are part of his preparation for 2015 presidential elections. And I can assure you that he will become a completely different operson the moment he realises his political ambition. Nasir El-Rufai reminds me of ibrahim babangida in babariga. Don't forget too that babangida said things that were even more pleasant and appealing to the ears when he carried out a coup detat and during his reing of terror.

I also want to remind you - incase you have forgotten - that jonathan badluck too told Nigerians an emotional story about how he went to school without even shoes in order to win our sympathy and votes. We believed him and gave him our votes without any suspiction and questions. When he eventually got what he wants, he became a demon overnight. Issshhhnnn't it(eat)?


Furthermore, El-Rufai's past, speeches, positions and opinions on different political and economic issues; most especially in capacity of former minister of FCT, Abuja, are enough grounds for me to affirm that HE IS AN ACTOR WHO IS INTENTIONALLY TELLING US THOSE THINGS THAT WE WANT TO HEAR IN ORDER TO WIN OUR SYMPATHY FOR HIS SELFISH POLITICAL OBJECTIVE. IN A NUTSHELL, EL-RUFAI IS FAKE AND CAN NOT BE TRUSTED. JUST BELIEVE ME. I can see through that man! Like I have always sai/written, we will know what El-Rufai is up to very soon. We don't need to wait for long And the moment you hear or read in the news that El-Rufai has declared his intention to run for Aso-rock(because of 'unbearable 'pressure from some respected Nigerians who are worried about the disastrous state of Nigeria and think that something needs to be done urgently), please remember this post of mine. My objective analysis and intention tells me that I am 100% right about Nasir El-Rufai! And I was just wondering why El-Rufai did not impliment all the so called good economic and political policies that he is writing about now when he was the minister of FCT, Abuja. Why now? The answe is very simple - because he lost out in the power tussle in PDP when Obasanjo lost power.

I prefer, respect and trust Northerners like Alhaji Balarabe Musa and Colonel Abubakar Dangiwa Umar(rtd) who have demonstrated their professionalism, consistensy and sincerity for decades irrespective of whose ox is gored. As you are aware, in many cases, the positions and declarations of these people are considered to be radical and anti-North by their kinsmen. El-Rufai is the last person I dio want to see as president! I am presently working on a series titled " YORUBA ROONU DADA - RE: SALIHU LUKMAN'S OPEN LETTERS TO SEN. BOLA TINUBU, MUHAMMADU BUHARI; EL-RUFAI AND NDIGBOS' 2015 PRESIDENTIAL AGENDA available at nigeriansinamerica.com, where I hope to expose Nasir El-Rufai as a manipulator, lacks integrity and is a fraudulent character. 85% of Part 2 of the series is devoted to dissecting El-Rufai.


Finally and most importantly, with all humility, I, as a 100% Yoruba man want to declare that the Yoruba are self-sufficient people. We have more than enough educated, intelligent people and with integrity - which Nasir El-Rufai lacks BTW. Therefore, we don't need any advise from El-Rufai. The Yoruba know how to develop their culture and economy. If El-Rufai thinks that he is intelligent, then, I do advise him to use his knowledge to become the president of Northern Nigeria(not more than 6 states in the new country) help millions of beggars from the North who are roaming about the streets of Nigeria and have become nuisants get out of poverty. All the Yoruba want now for a start is federalism/regionalism so that we can develop our culture and concentrate all our resources first and foremost on our own development - and for people like El-Rufai to stay out of our affairs. We can take care of ourselveswithout El-Rufai.

We must not are miss an historical moment that chance has offered us to get rid of the descendants of Usman Don Fodio for good! We must never allow the Hausa-Fulani to ride on our backs to Aso-rock. Our children and generations to come will never forgive us!!!


THERE WAS NEVER ONE NIGERIA!

THERE IS NO ONE NIGERIA NOW!

AND THERE WILL NEVER BE ONE NIGERIA IN THE NEXT 500 YEARS!

IT DIED COMPLETELY AND FINALLY WHEN CHIEF MOSHOOD ABIOLA, THE WINNER OF THE JUNE 12, 1992 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS WAS MURDERED IN PRISON BY NORTHERN MILITARY OFFICERS (WITH THE COLLABORATION AND APPROVAL OF THE AMERICAN, BRITISH AND FRENCH GOVERNMENTS)!


TIME HAS PROVED THAT A HAUSA-FULANI MAN CAN NEVER DEFEND THE INTERESTS(RIGHTS, PROPERTIES AND LIVES) OF NDIGBO NEITHER INSIDE NOR OUTSIDE NIGERIA! LET US STOP DECEIVING OURSELVES!

ALL ONE NIGERIA HAS GIVEN THE SOUTH SO FAR IS TRAGEDY, PAIN, TEARS AND SORROW!!!

LET US SAVE OUR CHILDREN, GRANDCHILDREN AND GENERATIONS TO COME FROM THE NIGHMARE CALLED ONE NIGERIA BY ENDING THE FORCED RELATION IMPOSED ON US BY THE BRITISH FOR THEIR OWN SELFISH POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC INTERESTS!!!

IF WE FAIL TO DO SO NOW, THEY WILL NEVER FORGIVE US!!!

WE ALL NEED OUR OWN PRESIDENTS, MINISTERS, AMBASSADORS, EMBASSIES, POLICE AND ARMY TO DEFEND OUR RIGHTS, PROPERTIES, LIVES AND INTERESTS - NIGERIA IS NOT CAPABLE OF DOING THAT FOR 52 YEARS!!!

LET US SAVE NIGERIANS AND NOT NIGERIA FROM COMPLETE DESTRUCTION BY INCOMPETENT, CORRUPT, VISIONLESS AND MORALLY BANKRUPT OPPORTUNISTS LIKE JONATHAN BADLUCK AND HIS COLLEAGUES BY BREAKING UP NIGERIA NOW!!!

TOMORROW MAY BE TOO LATE!!!

IF YOU LOVE YOUR CHILDREN, RELATIVES, FRIENDS AND COLLEAGUES, DON'T EVER ALLOW THEM TO GO TO THE NORTH 'UNDER ANY CIRCUMSTANCES' TO SERVE THE USELESS NYSC!! THEIR LIVES ARE MUCH MORE IMPORTANT!!! NIGERIA, A FAILED STATE, BIGGEST BANANA REPUBLIC IN THE WORLD, A VERY SICK AND DOOMED COUNTRY, IS NOT WORTH DYING FOR!!!

WE EXPECT ALL THE GOVERNORS AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF SOUTHERN STATES TO PASS A LAW THAT WILL PROHIBIT/BAN THEIR INDEGINES FROM GOING TO THE NORTH TO SERVE AS CORPERS IRRESPECTIVE OF WHATEVER GUARANTEE THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND NORTHERN GOVERNORS MIGHT MAKE!!! DON'T EVER TRUST THESE PEOPLE OR ENTRUST YOUR LIVES TO THEM!!! THEY ARE NOT RELIABLE!!!

JONATHAN BADLUCK, STELLA ODUA, ALLISON MADUEKE HAVE MURDERED THEM AND KILLED THEIR DREAMS!!!! WHAT A
PITY!!!

My articles including "Oodua Republic:To Be Or Not To Be?", 'One Nigeria': To Be Or Not To Be?' and my latest series 'YORUBA ROONU DADA - RE: SALIHU LUKMAN'S OPEN LETTERS TO SEN. BOLA TINUBU, MUHAMMADU BUHARI; EL-RUFAI AND NDIGBOS' 2015 PRESIDENTIAL AGENDA' are available at nigeriansinamerica.com.

YOU ARE FREE TO REPUBLISH THIS POST ON YOUR BLOG, SOCIAL WEB SITES AND SEND IT TO FEMI FALANA,WOLE SOYINKA, BOLA TINUBU,RAUF AREGBESOLA, MUHAMMAD FAWEHINMI, JONATHAN BADLUCK, FRIENDS, COLLEAGUES, POLITICIANS, HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVISTS, E.T.C. THANK YOU!
Re: Few Gains, Many Pains
Uzuk posted on 07-20-2012, 12:43:08 PM
|||Mobile phone lines, consumer credit system, mortgage scheme, external debts forgiveness, rapid economic growth assisted with high oil prices, as well as creation of excess crude account|||.

---- Avalanche of achievements by the OBJ-led admin. which el-Rufai was part of?

Good, but some most fundamental development projects and political actions were not undertaken then.

Above all, why was electric power infrastructure not developed then?

Have Boko Haram disturbances not arrested Nigeria's development in the last one year?

Are the el-Rufais of Nigeria ready to acquiesce to restructuring of Nigeria's rigged political structure to obtain an agreeable/workable political structure/system for political stability which engenders real development?
Good leadership does not emerge from a vacuum.
Re: Few Gains, Many Pains
DaBishop posted on 07-20-2012, 14:19:22 PM
QUOTE:
Despite these accomplishments of the Obasanjo government, it was by no means a perfect government, just an effective one. It's attention to the rule of law was uneven. We recall the brazenness with which a well-connected thug sponsored arson against government buildings in Anambra State as an assault against Governor Chris Ngige from whom he was estranged. That thug was not called to account; instead he was elevated to his party's board of trustees. If people consistently escape justice because of their connections to power, it is an open invitation to people of lesser quality to seize the state and suitably defile it. Impunity then replaced even-handed common sense and decency.


El Rufai:

Note the bolded words.

If you mean it, you should be in jail for 13 plots of choice Abuja land you gave to yourself as Minister through proxies. No one can do that in Washington DC or Harvard where you pretend that you learned government! Not to mention that you make excuses for a government in which you were one of the most powerful ministers. You were even responsible for a succession plan after your Third Term Plan failed. You were a LEADING part of the gross corruption of OBJ.

If you defend your case before EFCC, that makes you the biggest HYPOCRITE on earth!

We await your confessions on what your role was in the third term plan which failed because Nigerians opposed you and your boss!
Re: Few Gains, Many Pains
Yum posted on 07-20-2012, 14:38:55 PM
While he was in government and could make the real difference, he balked. Yes, I do not have any problem with this man's hypotheses so long he does not go anywhere near the Federal government in my life time. He is just not competent to lead. He is not the solution but the problem.
Re: Few Gains, Many Pains
Bode Eluyera posted on 07-20-2012, 16:42:41 PM
A SHORT OPEN LETTER TO SENATOR BOLA TINUBU.

THE ONE TRILLION DOLLAR QUESTION.

WOULD TINUBU, OTHER ACN AND YORUBA LEADERS BE SHORT-SIGHTED AND SO NAIVE TO THE EXTENT OF REPEATING FEDERICK LUGARD AND OLUSEGUN OBASANJO'S TRAGEDIES OF 1914 AND 2003 RESPECTIVELY BY FORMING AN ALLIANCE WITH CPC AND ASSUME THAT IT WILL HELP TO DEFEAT JONATHAN?



Senator Bola Tinubu,we are indebted to you for all you have done so far for the Yruba nation. You have given us a real alternative. But, I am afraid and sad to write that you are about to commit political suicide or harihari which will have a very tragic consequence for the ACN and Yoruba. I am presently working on a new article titled "YORUBA ROONU DADA - RE: SALIHU LUKEMAN'S OPEN LETTERS TO SEN. BOLA TINUBU AND MUHAMMODU BUHARI; EL-RUFAI AND NDIGBO'S PRESIDENTIAL AGENDA IN 2005", part 1 of the series has already been published on nigeriansinamerica.com. Part 2 is 95% ready. The series will be in at least 4 parts. I hope to prove the following in the series:

1. That Tinubu is taking a big but absolutely unecessary political risk which will end up for him, the ACN and Yoruba in tragedy.

2. An alliance with CPC will definitely lead to instabiity and serious political crises in the S.W. and ACN will end up loosing SW states again - like in 2003.

3. Despitethe fact that Jonathan Badluck is another incompetent, corrupt, visionless and morally bankrut opportunist like all his predecessors, nevertheless, the fact still remains that he inherited 95% of the problems that he is presently facing.

4. Neither PDP, ANPP, CPC were formed by Jonathan. They were all formed by the Hausa-Fulani in order to rule Nigeria forever.

5. By forming an alliance with CPC, Tinubu, in actual fact, is providing a platform and helping the North to return power back to the North and continue enslaving the South.

6. The fact that Tinubu and ACN are even contemplating an alliance with CPC only means that the Yoruba have not really learnt their lessons from the June 12, 1992 crises that eventually led to the murder of Moshood Abiola.

7. An alliance with CPC and/or ANPP will provide a good platform and excuse for the Hausa-Fulani to take power forcefully from Jonathan (including coup detat) under any scenario in 2015.

8. An alliance could be viewed as an attempt to intimidate Jonathan and remove him from power

9. El-Rufai, and not Lukeman wrote those letters/articles that he credited to himself.

10. ACN does not need any alliance whatsoever in order to defeat Jonathan and PDP in 2015.

11. Removing Jonathan should not be a do or die affair for the ACN. It should not be at any cost. It will definitely backfire! The long-short term effects for ACN and the Yoruba must be weighed and analysed thoroughly.

12. While it is important to vote out Jonathan in 2015, which region his successor will come from is not of less importance.

13. It's neither in the interest of the ACN nor Yoruba for Jonathan to be replaced by a Northerner.

14. An alliance is a carte blanch by Tinubu and the ACN to the Hausa-Fulani to destastabilize the country. It could lead to another civil war.

15. Ironically as it may sound, it's in the interest of the ACN for jonathan to contest the 2015 elections. It increases the chances of ACN winning. Therefore, he should be encouraged to do so. Moreovere, it is his civic rights.

16. CPC is a feather weight party, even in the North, it has no national appeal, and is neither capable of winning more votes nor elections for ACN. CPC can not supplement ACN. CPC is a liability to the ACN.

17. El-Rufai stands most to gain from an alliance for his presidential ambition.

18. ACN stands a very good chace of winning the 2015 elections if an Ndigbo(for example Chris Ngige) and Babatunde Fashola or you(Bola Tinubu) are the presidential and Vice presidentialmcandidates respectively. This combination will erode and weaken seriously Jonathan's base and give ACN much more votes than a useless and senseless alliance with Hausa-Fulani's CPC.

19. If for any reason ACN fails to win the 2015 elections, it still has a very good chance in 2019, unlike El-Rufai's CPC, which is a dying party that will only bring more problems. However, I am convinced that the 2015 elections is for ACN to loose.

20. It's in the interest of ACN and Yoruba for power to remain in the South.

21. If the North gets power back, there will NEVER be any Sovereign National Conference and Federalism/regionalism. Say bye bye to them FOREVER!

22. An alliance between ACN and CPC will be AUTOMATICALLY interpreted by our brothers in the South South and South East as a 'gang-up' against them by the Yoruba and Hausa. This will back fire and subsequently reduces to zero the probability/possibility of ACN expanding into those regions where it has potential voters.


We must not miss the historical opportunity that fate has offered us to get rid of the descendants of Usman Don Fodio for good! We must never allow the Hausa-Fulani to ride on our backs to Aso-rock. Our children and generations to come will never forgive us!!!
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