Who are the sponsors of Boko Haram?—Core evidence: The core evidence consist of two statements by Maj. Mustapha Jokolo, (rtd), the first in 2005, when he was the Emir of Gwandu; and the second in 2012, after he had been deposed from that high Caliphate office. Here is his 2005 statement:

In response to what they perceived as the Obasanjo “menace”, the Caliphate emirs met on March 28, 2005 in Kaduna under the auspices of the Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), of which the Sultan of Sokoto is the traditional Chairman.  At that meeting Major Mustapha Jokolo (rtd), the then Emir of Gwandu, traditionally the second-in-command to the Sultan, complained bitterly that northern Muslims had been marginalized by President Obasanjo: complaining that today they have no banks, and construction companies; that their soldiers were compulsorily retired from the army shortly after Obasanjo came to power; and that their children are being denied recruitment in the army. “We must decide what to do now. . .Let our people withdraw from the confab. . . Muslims are not afraid and they will come out to say the truth.”

--(See  “Emir’s Jihad Threat”,  Insider Weekly, May 2, 2005, p.17.)

Jokolo added that

Q5) 2005: “We (Muslims) have been pushed to the wall and it is time to fight…. Obasanjo is trampling on our rights and Muslims must rise and defend their rights. The more we continue to wait, the more we will continue to be marginalized.”--(“Emir’s Jihad Threat”  Insider Weekly, May 2, 2005, p.19)

For this “fight” [Jihad?] they had to find another military instrument. Hence, presumably, their adoption of Boko Haram, and the subsequent enhancement of its terrorist capacity; and the reported sudden affluence of its leader who began to move about in SUVs. Was it sheer coincidence that Boko Haram became well-funded and more powerful in mid-2005, a few months after the Emir of Gwandu called for a fight to end what the Caliphate perceived as its marginalization by the OBJ Government? Not bloody likely.

That was in 2005. Then in 2012 we get this statement from Jokolo:

Northern politicians created Boko Haram – Mustapha Jokolo, former Emir of Gwandu

http://elombah.com/index.php/articles-mainmenu/10385-northern-politicians-created-boko-harammustapha-jokolo-former-emir-of-gwandu Published on Friday, 30 March 2012 11:46

--------------------------------------------------------------

 

Mustapha Jokolo

This reported statement by the deposed Emir of Gwandu declaring that Northern politicians created Boko Haram, is like the testimony of the former deputy leader of a criminal gang turned prosecution witness. We must recall that when he was the Emir of Gwandu, he was the Number two man in the Caliphate hierarchy, second only to the Sultan of Sokoto. Besides, he was the very man who, at a meeting of emirs in March 2005, called for a fight with the Obasanjo government. And it was a few months later, in mid-2005, that Boko Haram began to show evidence of better financing and increasing capacity. Jokolo must know well whereof he spoke in 2012.

We have seen that for the Caliphate, gaining and retaining power by fraud and mass slaughter is more congenial than doing so through free and fair elections. Given that background, the sample news headlines, displayed in this essay, that link Boko Haram operatives to Caliphate figures (ACF leaders, Caliphate politicians, as well as Emirs) are prima facie evidence that Boko Haram has Caliphate sponsors. Jokolo’s authoritative and insider’s statement in 2012 pretty much establishes the point.


Highlights from Caliphate Colonialism essay:

  • The Caliphate must go!
  • Kick the Caliphate out of Nigeria, and Boko Haram will die.
  • The Caliphate must go!
  • Kick out the Caliphate, so we can uproot its feudalist principle of public-office-as-fief-for-private-plunder that has fostered Nigeria’s lootocratic “corruption”.
  • The Caliphate must go!
  • Kick out the Caliphate so that Nigerians can move forward to true federalism and general prosperity.
  • However well any nationality thinks it has done under Caliphate colonialism, it stands to do much better after we jointly free ourselves from these arrogant caliphate parasites, that is to say, after the Caliphate’s lion’s share of the national cake is taken from them and redistributed.
  • The Caliphate must go!
  • The long-suffering victims of Caliphate Colonialism must now go on the counter-offensive and drive the Caliphate out of Nigeria. We must then seal the border between the Caliphate Shariyaland and the new Secular-democratic Nigeria. If need be we should erect an Iron Curtain or build a Great Wall to keep these jihadist barbarians out of our new Nigeria.
  • Why? Please read on!
  • Format: Please note: A quoted passage, however long, is indicated by a deep indent, a Q number, and bracketed off thus: e.g. Q55) abcdefgh. . .

     

Introduction

Nigeria is a torn country, a country torn between two irreconcilable versions of what is should become. These two rival versions have been in conflict since the 1940s. They are the Feudal-theocracy version and the Secular-democracy version. The Feudal-theocracy version was best articulated by Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, in 1960 when he told his Caliphate constituency:

Q1) 

“The new nation called Nigeria should be an estate of our great - grandfather, Uthman Dan Fodio. We must ruthlessly prevent a change of power. We use the minorities of the North as willing tools and the South as a conquered territory and never allow them to rule over us, and never allow them to have control over their future.”

-- Sir Ahmadu Bello, Leader of the NPC and Premier of Northern Nigeria,   ( Parrot Newspaper, 12 th Oct. 1960; republished on November 13, 2002, by the  Tribune Newspaper, Ibadan.)

Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto

The Secular-Democracy version was best articulated in 1978-79 by Chief Obafemi Awolowo when, at various points on the campaign trail, he told Nigerians:

Q2) 

“In order that Nigeria may achieve rapid economic progress, and establish an egalitarian, just, democratic and peaceful society . . . we of the Unity Party of Nigeria are resolutely determined to pursue [the following]:

Equal opportunity for every Nigerian; equality under the law; extermination of ethnic hegemony; dethronement of mediocrity wherever it exists; guaranteeing for every Nigerian no matter his place of birth or state of origin, equal access to the good things of life. [etc.]  . . .

Our dual aim is to achieve equality of status for Nigerians and the black people with all other racial groups, and respectable economic strength for Nigeria in the international community.  . . .We  . . .can succeed . . . provided we allow ourselves to be guided by this great principle: “The glory of a Ruler is the welfare of every one of his people.”

--Obafemi Awolowo, UPN Candidate, 1979 Presidential Election ( Path to Nigerian Greatness, Enugu: Fourth Dimension, 1981: 33, 32-33, 95, 97, 43)

Chief Obafemi Awolowo

These two ideological versions of Nigeria have been locked in struggle, and until one ideology defeats the other, or until Nigeria divides into two separate entities, one for those aspiring to each of these incompatible versions, Nigeria will remain unstable, backward; a theatre of recurring bloodbaths; a disgrace to itself and the Black World; and a breeding ground for international terrorism. Let us look into why.


Map #1 : Nigeria’s great divide: the Sharia states (a.k.a. Shariyaland) and the rest of us.

 


Part One: Caliphate Colonialism and Boko Haram—A brief history

Part Two: Caliphate agenda and ideology in their own words, 1942-2012

Part Three: Boko Haram as Caliphate Terrorist agency--the evidence

Part Four: Boko Haram--Nigeria’s Caliphate vs. Non-Caliphate civil war:  the Caliphate Challenge to Nigeria’s Democracy

Part Five: What is to be done? The Caliphate must go!

Expel the Caliphate from Nigeria before December 31, 2014, and forestall the bloodbath promised for 2015 by Buhari.

Appendix: The 1995 Constitution of Ethiopia (the Preamble)

=========================================

Part One: Caliphate Colonialism and Boko Haram--a brief history

Nigeria’s history will remain unintelligible, and much about it will seem senseless, until we glimpse the hidden dynamics that has dominated and shaped it since 1950, namely the Caliphate’s colonialist agenda and the confused and uncoordinated resistance to it.

      The political violence [pogroms, coups, civil war, assassinations, judicial murders, terrorism, etc.] that has marked Nigeria from the 1950s has been in furtherance of, or in resistance to, Caliphate Colonialism. These have ranged from

  1. the  (Caliphate-organized)  1953 Kano pogrom , [1]   which was the Caliphate’s reprisal for the booing of its political leaders by Lagos crowds over the Anthony Enahoro “Self-Government-in-1956” motion ;  through
  2. the 1960 and 1964  (anti-Caliphate)  Tiv uprisings  [2]  ;  
  3. the  (Caliphate- inspired)  1962    Western Nigeria Crisis   [3]  
  4. the  (Caliphate-rigged)  1964-65 elections [4]   which provoked the UPGA (anti-Caliphate)  Operation wetie  of late 1965 that triggered  the  UPGA (anti-Caliphate)  Jan 15, 1966 coup   [5]  down to the Boko Haram terrorism of today.

Some other violent episodes that become understandable through the lens of Caliphate Colonialism are

  1. the  (Caliphate-organized) May, July and September  1966 pogroms ;
  2. the  (Caliphate’s)  July 1966  Counter-coup   [6] ;
  3. the 1967-1970 civil war   [7]  which accomplished the Caliphate’s military conquest of all of Nigeria;
  4. the   (Caliphate’s anti-Gowon)  1975 Murtala Mohammed Coup   . [8]  By the way, Murtala’s legendary anti-corruption “Purge,” for which he was seen as a National hero, was probably a cover for accomplishing the Caliphate’s policy of Northernization of the Federal Public Service: some say that he quietly replaced the purged officials--who were mostly Southerners--with Northerners mostly.  Those with access to the records should help to verify that ;
  5. the  (anti-Caliphate)  1976 Dimka coup  [9]
  6. the  (Caliphate’s)  1983 Buhari coup   [10]  which, it came to be realized, was staged to preempt the Caliphate’s approaching loss of power in 1987 through the scheduled NPN rotation of the presidential candidacy to  a Southerner [See  Q33 below]; 
  7. the  (anti-Caliphate)  1990    Orkar coup, [11]  For the few hours before the coup was crushed,  Orkar excised the Caliphate from Nigeria;
  8. the  ( Caliphate-orchestrated June 12  election annulment which led to
  9. the imprisonment and  death of MKO Abiola,  the winner of the annulled election [12] ; and to
  10. the political assassinations under Abacha , 1993-1998   [13] ;
  11. the perennial religious and  ethnic violence in Kaduna and Plateau states   caused by Hausa and Fulani hegemonists who attempt to take over lands, and to dominate non-Hausa and non-Fulani peoples, that were not conquered by the Caliphate jihadists in pre-British times (i.e. caused by covert pressures to expand the Caliphate domain); 
  12. the (Caliphate-attempted) judicial murder of   Gen. Zamani Lekwot and his Zango Kataf associates in 1993  [14] ; 
  13. the  (Caliphate’s)  1995   judicial murder of Ken Saro-Wiwa   [15]
  14. the  (pro-Caliphate)  1999   sacking of Odi  [16]
  15. the 2001   sacking of Zaki Biam  [17]
  16. the (Caliphate-serving) repression of  the Niger Delta militancy  ; down to
  17. the  (Caliphate-sponsored)  Boko Haram terrorism campaign

These and other troubles are rooted deep in the way, and the purpose for which, Nigeria was put together by the British, so we should start by looking into that.

The founding of Nigeria

The British officially created Northern Nigeria in 1900, and Southern Nigeria in 1906. The separate colonial administrations of these two entities were amalgamated in 1914 on the explicitly stated principle that Northern Nigeria, “the husband”, would financially live off the dowry/revenue/resources of Southern Nigeria, “the wife”. Then, during the process of decolonization, between 1955 and 1960, the British made the Caliphate the successor to their colonial power by rigging the Caliphate’s political party, the Northern People’s Congress (NPC), into office.  The Caliphate, i.e. the  sarkuna or feudal ruling class of the North [the Caliphate-equivalent of the British aristocracy], has ever since made that amalgamation principle an article of faith and has enforced its “husband” rights as Allah-given, permanent and unamendable. They have even publicly declared their readiness to commit genocide to enforce their presumed right to plunder and squander the resources of the South, by proposing to kill off 20 million (i.e. 1/7 th or 14% of their) fellow Nigerians who live in the oil-producing Niger Delta. Their insistence on ruling Nigeria in perpetuity, and on exploiting the South, together with the resistance to that insistence, is the dynamic behind the recurring instability and mayhem in Nigeria’s history. That is the context to the two coups and the pogroms of 1966, the 1967-70 Civil War and to both the Niger Delta militancy and the Boko Haram terrorism of today.

Here are three statements by Caliphate spokesmen that respectively shed light on [A]  their  “One Nigeria” Project,[B]  their  ideology of ethnic castes, and [C]  their genocidal mindset.

A] In 1960, Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, leader of the Caliphate politicians, described the Caliphate’s Nigeria Project thus:  [See  Q1 above]

B] In 1992, Maitama Sule, a senior Caliphate politician, shed more light on the Sardauna’s Nigeria Project when he detailed the Caliphate view of the caste system they deem proper for the relationship between the peoples of Nigeria:

Q3) 1992

“In this country, all of us need one another. Hausa need Igbos, Igbos need Yoruba and the Yorubas need the Northerners. Everyone has a gift from God. Northerners are endowed by God with leadership qualities. The Yoruba man knows how to earn a living and has diplomatic qualities. The Igbo is gifted in commerce, trade and technological innovation. God so created us individually for a purpose and with different gifts. Others are created as kings, students and doctors. We all need each other. If there are no followers, a king will not exist, if there are no students a teacher will not be required, etc.”   26

--  1992, Alhaji Maitama Sule  in an address which was written and spoken in Arabic during the launching of  The Power of Knowledge authored by Alhaji Isa Kaita, at Durbar Hotel, Kaduna on December 22, 1992.
{ 26  Ayoada , J. A. A.  Nigeria and the Squandering of Hope, Ibadan: University of Ibadan Press, 1997, p. 14 }

In other words, in the Caliphate’s feudal version of Nigeria the peoples have been divided into castes, or hereditary occupational classes: Hausa rulers, Yoruba diplomatic messengers and Igbo traders and technicians.

C] In 2009, the Caliphate’s genocidal mentality was publicly displayed in the following statement to the House of Representatives by a Caliphate legislator:

Q4) 2009

“What is happening in the Niger Delta is pure criminality of the highest order, arising from total disregard for constituted authority. In Iraq, thousands of people lost their lives because of an insurrection against the government during the reign of former Iraqi leader, Saddam Hussein.  We can do away with 20 million militants for the rest 120 million Nigerians to live.   (emphasis added)

-- 2009  An incitement to genocide by Bala Ibn N’Allah of Kebbi State, a Caliphate member of the Nigerian House of Representatives. ( The Guardian, Thursday, May 28, 2009). [See also  Q26 below]

Had the 1950s leaders of Nigeria’s West, East and Middle Belt ( Obafemi Awolowo, Nnamdi Azikiwe, and Joseph Tarka)--whose parties later formed the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA) in 1964--glimpsed or understood the Caliphate’s Nigeria Project, they would have seen reason to make a united escape from Caliphate colonialism, instead of committing themselves to independence in an un-examined “One Nigeria”, and allowing their peoples to be used serially against one another for the benefit of the Caliphate. 


Awo;                            Zik;                              Tarka


Having described his project to his people, the Sardauna, the leader of the Caliphate politicians, started his campaign to aggrandize Caliphate power in other parts of Nigeria. He began his moves in Western Nigeria by sparking the Western Crisis in 1962. The political resistance to this effort led  to the trial and imprisonment of the Yoruba leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo  (a.k.a. Awo)  [18] ;  and the flight abroad of his political lieutenant,  Anthony Enahoro, as a “fugitive offender”.  The resistance then took the form of the AG-NCNC-UMBC alliance, named the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA), that unsuccessfully contested the rigged December 1964 Federal elections against the Caliphate-led Nigerian National Alliance (NNA), and then the October 1965 Western regional elections where the UPGA’s Action Group (AG) vied with the Caliphate-backed Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) of Samuel L. Akintola, the then Western regional premier. When that election was rigged by the Caliphate’s “Federal might”, and Akintola was declared the winner and sworn in for another term as Premier, it sparked the violent civil unrest called  Operation wetie , which triggered the January 15, 1966 coup that swept the Caliphate politicians from power at the federal level and in their Northern Region bastion. 

The Caliphate struck back with the pogroms of May 1966, which led to the overthrow of the Ironsi military regime in the Caliphate counter-coup of July 1966. The Caliphate counter offensive continued with the pogroms that sought to drive from the North those fellow Nigerians that Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa had, in 1948, called “invaders” of the North. [See  Q15 below]  The crisis of the pogroms led to Biafra’s secession in 1967; and that, in turn, triggered the Civil War to forcibly drag Biafrans back into the Caliphate colony that Nigeria had become. The Caliphate’s military conquest of Nigeria was completed in January 1970 with the defeat of Biafra.

Thereafter a period of unalloyed Caliphate colonialism began. The Caliphate ruled through civilian and military governments that were led sometimes by its own members and sometimes by trusted non-Caliphate agents.

   By 1999, the Caliphate had evolved a peculiar federal system that they entrenched through the 1999 constitution, a system that allows them to dominate and exploit other Nigerians behind a façade of democracy. But while they were evolving that constitution (1966-1999), they resorted to all manner of makeshift measures to hang on to power, sometimes ruling through their members, and at other times through “willing tools” from the Northern minorities or loyal agents from the “conquered” South. [See the sequence of governments in the table below]

 

Nigeria: Sequence of Governments, 1957-2013, with the Caliphate /non-Caliphate character of each

 September1957 to 16 January 1966

 

Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa , Prime Minister

 

 Civilian Caliphate-dominated coalition regime led by a Muslim Bageri non-Caliphate man;  installed by the British, toppled by Nzeogwu’s anti-Caliphate, UPGA coup.

16 January 1966 to 29 July 1966

 

Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi , Head of the  Federal Military Government

 

Non-Caliphate military regime led by a Christian Igbo non-Caliphate man; toppled by Murtala Muhammed’s Caliphate/ NNA counter-coup.

1 August 1966 to 29 July 1975

 

Yakubu Gowon , Head of the Federal Military Government

 

Caliphate military regime installed by Murtala Muhammed, but led by a Christian non-Caliphate “willing tool” from Northern minorities.

29 July 1975 to 13 February 1976

 

Murtala Mohammed , Head of the Federal Military Government

 

Caliphate military regime led by a Muslim, Hausa-Fulani Caliphate scion.

13 February 1976 to 1 October 1979

 

Olusegun Obasanjo , (a.k.a.  OBJ), Head of the Federal Military Government

 

Caliphate military regime with a loyal Christian Yoruba agent from the “conquered” South as front man, installed to complete Murtala Muhammed’s tenure and program.

1 October 1979 to 31 December 1983

 

Shehu Shagari , President

 

Caliphate civilian regime led by a Fulani Caliphate scion; installed by OBJ through a rigged election and judicial shenanigans about 2/3 of 19 states.

31 December 1983 to 27 August 1985

 

Muhammadu Buhari , Chairman of the  Supreme Military Council

 

Caliphate military regime led by Fulani Caliphate scions, Buhari and Idiagbon; installed to pre-empt election of any Southerner as president in 1987.

27 August 1985 to 26 August 1993

 

Ibrahim Babangida , (a.k.a.  IBB) President of the  Armed Forces Ruling Council

 

Caliphate military regime led by a Muslim Gwari non-Caliphate man from Northern Minorities

26 August 1993 to 17 November 1993

 

Ernest Shonekan , Interim Head of State

 

Civilian-military Interim regime led by a Yoruba Christian; a contraption by Babangida to continue his administration until his “rightful” Caliphate military successor was ready to emerge.

17 November 1993 to 8 June 1998

 

Sani Abacha , Chairman of the  Provisional Ruling Council

 

Caliphate military regime led by a Muslim Kanuri agent of the Caliphate.

8 June 1998 to 29 May 1999

 

Abdulsalami Abubakar , Chairman of the  Provisional Ruling Council

 

Caliphate military regime led by a Muslim Gwari from Northern Minorities.

29 May 1999 to 29 May 2007

 

Olusegun Obasanjo , President

 

Civilian non-Caliphate regime, led by a Christian Yoruba agent of the Caliphate. The Caliphate soon came to regard him as a “menace”.

29 May 2007 to 5 May 2010

 

Umaru Musa Yar'Adua , President

 

Civilian Caliphate regime led by a Fulani Caliphate scion

9 February 2010 to Present

 

Goodluck Jonathan , Acting President till 6 May 2011, and President since then.

 

Civilian non-Caliphate regime led by a Christian Ijaw non-Caliphate man: Caliphate chieftains vowed to make Nigeria ungovernable for him.

     
 

Having conquered all of Nigeria by means of the Civil War, and by using the Nigerian armed forces that were mostly filled with non-Caliphate soldiers led by non-Caliphate generals, the Caliphate schemed to remove the non-Caliphate Gen. Yakubu Gowon as Head of State and replace him with one of their own (i.e. a member of the Caliphate  sarkuna or ruling class). Accordingly, a Caliphate coup on July 29, 1975 deposed Gowon and replaced him with Murtala Mohammed.  When Gowon’s fellow Middle Belt soldiers tried to snatch back power through the anti-Caliphate Dimka coup on Feb. 13, 1976, they were defeated and slaughtered. But the assassinated Murtala Mohammed was replaced by a Yoruba Caliphate agent, Gen. Obasanjo (a.k.a. OBJ) who ruled as figurehead or front man. In 1979, OBJ’s government duly rigged the elections for a Caliphate politician, Shehu Shagari of the NPN and handed power to him through the bizarre and disputed Supreme Court ruling on  2/3rds of 19 States: Awolowo V Shagari [19]    

When election time came again in 1983 and a non-Caliphate man, Chief MKO Abiola, sought the nomination of the ruling NPN, he was rebuffed. Shagari contested and was re-“elected”. Then, to prolong Caliphate rule without running the risk of free and fair elections, the Buhari coup, on December 31, 1983, deposed Shagari, the Caliphate civilian President, and replaced him as Head of State with a Caliphate military man, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari. Thus their dreaded loss of power through elections and the risk of rotation was postponed. The Caliphate then became determined to tolerate an election only if it could have them rigged for its politicians, as had happened in 1959, 1979 and 1983. That determination sowed the seeds of the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election.

Though two Caliphate generals, Buhari and Idiagbon, were in power from December 31, 1983, a struggle among the Caliphate military agents caused Ibrahim Babangida (a.k.a. IBB) to oust Buhari in 1985. (As far as can be ascertained, IBB is not of  sarkuna stock.) But then, to the dismay of the Caliphate, IBB embarked on a transition program which sought to install the very democracy that the Caliphate thoroughly fears and detests. Though it disliked the IBB transition program, the Caliphate initially could do nothing to stop it, and so bided its time and organized the forces it would eventually use to scuttle IBB’s transition program when the opportunity arose.

While the Caliphate was waiting for its opportunity, the Orkar coup of 1990, which announced the excision of the Caliphate territory from Nigeria, gave the Caliphate a great scare. The IBB regime, in self-defense, crushed the Orkar coup.

Gideon Orkar and his comrades

But three years later the IBB transition program was itself terminated by the Caliphate, by using the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), a Southern group, as well as Caliphate-loyal generals largely from the Middle Belt.  The irony here is that IBB’s transition program and the Orkar Coup would each have terminated Caliphate power, the one through the ballot and the other through the bullet; but they fought each other, only for the victor to be overwhelmed by the Caliphate overlord through its orchestrated annulment of June 12. The Jellaba-Arab colonialists in Khartoum have a name for this maneuver: “using a slave to kill a slave.” The Caliphate used this maneuver twice in the early 1990s: IBB to kill the Orkar coup, and then the ABN and Middle Belt Generals to kill the IBB transition program.

In the protracted struggle between the Caliphate and its subject peoples, the Caliphate has been quite clear about its objectives and has fought without confusion. Unfortunately the anti-Caliphate forces have never thoroughly understood the enemy they are up against. As a result, they have fought like a blind man battling in the ring with a Muhammad Ali or a Mike Tyson. So they were overwhelmed, often by the Caliphate’s use of some other non-Caliphate forces. As happened in June 12.

The anti-Caliphate forces have also been deeply divided by their own rivalries and quarrels. But for the feud between Awo and Zik in the 1950s, the Caliphate would not have inherited power from the British. Sir James Robertson would have found it impossible to install Balewa as the Prime Minister of Nigeria. And the sad saga of Nigeria under Caliphate colonialism might have been avoided.  Now that the anti-Caliphate forces have been attempting to come together to demand a Sovereign National Conference (SNC) and a truly federal constitution to replace the fraudulent 1999 constitution, they need to understand the hidden dynamics that has dominated Nigerian history since the 1950s, and then unite to get rid of it once and for all. Fighting among themselves will only help the Caliphate to climb back and hang onto power.

Their chronic unclarity about their Caliphate enemy, and their persistent lack of unity would also be true in the struggles since the June 12 crisis. June 12 officially ended in 1999, when a harassed Caliphate made a negotiated handover of power, through a pre-determined election, to OBJ, its Yoruba agent of proven loyalty.  It considered the handover “temporary”. But it soon came to regret the handover. To safeguard his presidency,  OBJ retired all “political” military officers who could endanger the nascent democracy. Most of those affected were Hausa-Fulani scions of the Caliphate. OBJ thereby robbed the Caliphate of its military capacity to undermine his government.   This earned him their enmity.

 As it saw its hold on the Nigerian military being systematically destroyed by a vengeful OBJ, it had to find some alternative weapons for returning to power. OBJ was on a personal vendetta because his Caliphate masters had humiliated him by imprisoning him for allegedly being party to a coup against their man Gen. Sani Abacha, and for torturing him in prison. A Caliphate that had survived the challenges of rotation, the Orkar coup and June 12, suddenly found itself deprived of its control of the military instrument it had used to hold on to power for three decades. It was not amused. It responded to its eroding hegemony by playing the Sharia card.  So, soon after it saw the way OBJ was going, it launched the sharia movement and installed the sharia as the constitution in the 12 states of its Arewa bastion in Nigeria’s Far North. This was a challenge to the Constitution and tantamount to opting out of the secular Federal Republic of Nigeria.  But OBJ, for reasons best known to himself, declined to enforce the constitution against them.

Why did OBJ do nothing when the Arewa states violated the secular constitution by adopting Sharia? Wasn’t that a form of secession, by repudiating the Constitution that is supposed to hold Nigeria together? Wasn’t that treason? And wasn’t it his duty as President to uphold and enforce the constitution?  How was that action constitutionally different from Biafra’s exit from Nigeria? And wasn’t it his duty to preserve “One Nigeria” in the Sharia case—like he had helped do in the Biafra case? Had OBJ taken action in 2000 against the Sharia “secession”, would Boko Haram have emerged in 2002? Would it have grown into the monster it has become today?

In response to what they perceived as the Obasanjo “menace”, the Caliphate emirs met on March 28, 2005 in Kaduna under the auspices of the Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), of which the Sultan of Sokoto is the traditional Chairman.  At that meeting Major Mustapha Jokolo (rtd), the then Emir of Gwandu, traditionally the second-in-command to the Sultan, complained bitterly that northern Muslims had been marginalized by President Obasanjo: complaining that today they have no banks, and construction companies; that their soldiers were compulsorily retired from the army shortly after Obasanjo came to power; and that their children are being denied recruitment in the army. “We must decide what to do now. . .Let our people withdraw from the confab. . . Muslims are not afraid and they will come out to say the truth.” --(“Emir’s Jihad Threat”,  Insider Weekly, May 2, 2005, p.17.)

Jokolo added that

Q5) 2005

“We (Muslims) have been pushed to the wall and it is time to fight…. Obasanjo is trampling on our rights and Muslims must rise and defend their rights. The more we continue to wait, the more we will continue to be marginalized.”

-- Mustapha Jokolo, quoted in (“Emir’s Jihad Threat”  Insider Weekly, May 2, 2005, p.19)

For this “fight” [Jihad?] they had to find another military instrument. Hence, presumably, their adoption of Boko Haram and the subsequent enhancement of its terrorist capacity, and the reported sudden affluence of its leader who began to move about in SUVs. Was it sheer coincidence that Boko Haram became well-funded and more powerful in mid-2005 [See  Q30 below] a few months after the Emir of Gwandu called for a fight to end what the Caliphate perceived as its marginalization by the OBJ Government? Not bloody likely. More on this later in Part Three.

While all that was going on,  Enahoro, through his Movement for National Reformation (MNR), began , i n 1992, to advocate for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC) to fundamentally  restructure the Nigerian Federation and end the disadvantages of the subjugated non-Caliphate ethnic nationalities. By 2004, the MNR had morphed into PRONACO which began campaigning for a constitution to replace the fraudulent 1999 constitution and thereby deprive the Caliphate of its pseudo-democratic instrument of permanent domination and exploitation.   The Caliphate did not welcome any of that.

Pa Enahoro

When furthermore OBJ schemed to have his non-Caliphate protégé become President, the Caliphate leaders saw red. OBJ, in the spirit of the “temporary” handover, had obligingly selected a Caliphate politician to succeed himself in 2007 and return power to his Caliphate patrons, but he deliberately handpicked Umaru Yar’ Adua who was seriously ill, in the hope, perhaps, that he would die in office and be succeeded by his non-Caliphate Vice President, Goodluck Jonathan. Luckily for OBJ’s scheming, this all came to pass when President Yar’ Adua died in office in 2010. When President Jonathan then failed to relinquish the presidency to them and entered the contest for a full term of his own, as was his constitutional right, Caliphate politicians publicly vowed to make the country ungovernable for him. [See  Q27, below] And when he won the 2011 election, they kept their promise and unleashed their Boko Haram terrorists on the country. 

How did Boko Haram arise and become available for this assignment? According to evidence in the book  Power, Politics and Death by Olusegun Adeniyi, who was the Special Adviser on Communications (i.e.  media spokesperson ) to the late President  Yar’ Adua, Boko Haram was a tiny and obscure sect from its founding in 2002 until 2005 when it was apparently adopted by some powerful sponsors. Its leader began to live affluently and the magnitude and sophistication of its terrorist capacity began to build up. So great had this terror capacity grown that in 2012, Boko Haram  gave a “quit the North” notice to those the Caliphate leaders had called “invaders” back in 1948 [See  Q15 below], and enforced the order by bombing churches and funerals, and by other acts of mass murder.  But, unfortunately for its Caliphate sponsors, Boko Haram, as its power grew, developed an agenda of its own which threatened the Caliphate’s very survival. [More on that later when we discuss Boko Haram’s minimal and maximal agenda.]

Terror, mass murder and genocide in Caliphate ideology

It needs to be emphasized that terror, mass murder and genocide have been political instruments of the Caliphate right from the early 1950s.

In 1953 they instigated a pogrom in Kano in reprisal for the booing of their political leaders by Lagos crowds who protested their rejection of Enahoro’s “Self-Government-in-1956” motion.

Then in a bid to regain power after losing it in Jan 1966, they unleashed pogroms in order to expel from their territory those they had earlier, in 1948, labeled “invaders”.

The Caliphate’s dedication to mass murder as an instrument of power politics was articulated publicly in 2009 when one of its legislators, Bala N’Allah, told the House of Representatives: “We can do away with 20 million militants for the rest 120 million Nigerians to live” [For the full statement See  Q4 above.] Nobody should therefore be surprised that they unleashed Boko Haram on Nigerians after OBJ deprived them of control of the Nigerian Army, their previous favorite instrument of political violence. 

Against this background, the current controversy about the genocide during the Civil War should be put in proper perspective. Responsibility for that genocide must rest, not with the field commanders, but with their Caliphate masters. Gowon provided a non-Caliphate and gentlemanly façade behind which field commanders could deniably commit genocide with impunity as directed by Caliphate policy. As with the French and their Foreign Legion, the Caliphate colonialists, like all colonialists, use troops and commanders from anywhere to do their bloody work. 


TO FOLLOW: â€‹Part Two: Caliphate agenda and ideology in their own words, 1942-2012


About the Author

Chinweizu is a historian and Neo-Garvey Pan-Africanist. His books include  The West and the Rest of Us, (1975); and  Decolonising the African Mind (1987).

All rights reserved.

© Chinweizu 2013


[3]   http://www.dawodu.com/balewa2.htm  (Accessed Jan, 2013)

[5]   http://segundawodu.com/nzeogwu.htm (Accessed Jan, 2013)

[9]     http://www.dawodu.com/dimka.htm  (Accessed Jan, 2013)

[11]   http://www.dawodu.com/omoigui8.htm  (Accessed Jan, 2013)