The South African Nobel Laureate Archbishop Desmond Tutu describes UBUNTU as:

"It is the essence of being human. It speaks of the fact that my humanity is caught up and is inextricably bound up in yours. I am human because I belong. It speaks about wholeness, it speaks about compassion. A person with UBUNTU is welcoming, hospitable, warm and generous, willing to share. Such people are open and available to others, willing to be vulnerable, affirming of others, do not feel threatened that others are able and good, for they have a proper self-assurance that comes from knowing that they belong in a greater whole. They know that they are diminished when others are humiliated, diminished when others are oppressed, diminished when others are treated as if they were less than who they are. The quality of UBUNTU gives people resilience, enabling them to survive and emerge still human despite all efforts to dehumanize them."

Introduction:

One of the advantages of growing up in Lagos in the 60s was that our young minds were exposed to the diverse cultures, religions and languages of the several ethnicities that make up the multi-nation state called Nigeria.

We realized early in life that in order to ensure peace and mutual co-existence, there was need for accommodation and tolerance of other peoples.

I recall one of the popular sayings in Lagos then which goes thus: Gambari pa Fulani ko lejo ninu.

Literally translated: if a Gambari kills a Fulani then the verdict is an automatic No Case. The judge, jury and everyone are expected to render this “inviolate “ verdict.

Gambari is a name borne by and associated with northerners in Nigeria while Fulani is a large ethnic group also in the North; they are usually regarded as one and the same.

So by implication this saying simply expects us to turn a blind eye when members of the same family kill themselves. In other words we should allow “sleeping dogs to lie”

A clever and sensible argument no doubt. However, when such a statement is viewed in relation to world peace or evaluated in the light of the proclamation by Prof. Wole Soyinka to the effect that “The man dies in him who keeps silent in the face of tyranny” one is likely to come to the conclusion that the statement lacks merit and encourages tyranny.

Tyranny knows no bounds and if allowed to incubate among brothers , its subsequent devastation on the larger society will not adorn the garment of religion or ethnicity. It will simply go berserk and consume anyone on its path.

Therefore, at all times our focus should be on the larger human race.

All human beings are diminished by the single act of cruelty towards any of her members.

In Nigeria we have witnessed all manner of inhuman and degrading treatment of some of our citizens; the instruments of oppression usually clothed with religion or politics.

In some cases, the larger society felt unconcerned preferring to treat such with t he Gambari kills Fulani mentality while in a few other cases public defenders and private citizens rose in defence of the oppressed. Today the names of such heroes are written in gold.

Let us consider a few examples:

Alhaji Shugaba Abdulrahman Darman

On January 24, 1980 Nigeria’s President Alhaji Shehu Shagari ( a muslim) deported to Chad Republic the Majority Leader of the opposition controlled state legislature of North-Eastern state of Borno Alhaji Shugaba Abdulrahaman Darman (another muslim) after political foes had him declared an alien.

This move was challenged ferociously by a team led by late Chief Obafemi Awolowo (a Christian) in the law courts as well as in the public arena using the power of the press.

In the end the voice of reason prevailed and Alhaji Shugaba returned to his country Nigeria.

In reviewing this and similar cases the duo of Tajudeen Abdulraheem, Dismas Nkunda, & Chidi Anselm Odinkalu wrote the following in Citizens Right Initiative:

“For the average African, irrespective of country, these basic elements of effective citizenship do not exist.

Thousands of Africans daily join the millions of victims of statelessness and arbitrary denial of citizenship in our continent. Although each case of statelessness or denial of citizenship produces unique experiences of victimisation, common patterns are clear. These include the stripping of citizenship status and rights resulting in statelessness; forced expulsion or forced population transfers; elimination of minority groups through mass de-nationalisation, followed - in many cases - by targeted killings of members of the affected groups; persecution of vocal opponents or critics of incumbent regimes; and refusal to recognise or accord the rights of particular (groups of) citizens in the absence of documentary proof.

Violations of citizenship rights are truly indiscriminate. Around Africa, there are millions more who are too poor to challenge this violation or too unknown to register in the frightening statistics of the stateless.”

Safiya Husseini & Amina Lawal Kurami

I seek your indulgence to reproduce here the report of an on-line reporting agency.

“Amid an international outcry against death sentences handed down to two Nigerian Muslim women convicted of adultery under Islamic law, Nigeria's Justice Minister Kanu Agabi has declared the Islamic legal systems operating in a dozen northern states discriminatory and unconstitutional.

"A court which imposes discriminatory punishments is deliberately flouting the Constitution," said a letter from Agabi to 12 governors. "The stability, unity, and integrity of the nation are threatened by such action."

But Muslim governors are unmoved, saying the statement has no legal force in their individual states. "Nobody has the right or power to stop us from doing it," said Ahmed Sani, governor of Zamfara state. "As far as Zamfara state is concerned, Shari'ah is a foregone conclusion. There is no question of dialogue anymore."

Both Muslim women were convicted largely on the evidence that they were pregnant and unmarried. Men accused of adultery can only be convicted on the testimony of four witnesses.

Safiya Husseini, 35, saw her conviction reversed March 25 on appeal. The Shari'ah court judge in Sokoto City acquitted her because the alleged offense occurred before the implementation of Islamic law. Local and international human rights and Christian groups had championed her case for six months. Husseini had faced a sentence of death by stoning.

The other defendant, Amina Lawal Kurami, remains in jeopardy. A Shari'ah court in Katsina state ruled on March 22 that she could breastfeed her baby for eight months before she would be executed. She has yet to appeal the conviction.

Aside from these high-profile cases, several Christians are serving prison terms for breaking Shari'ah laws. Observers say that poor Muslims, such as Husseini and Kurami, are especially vulnerable. Simmering tensions between Muslims and Christians have boiled over since several Muslim governors introduced Islamic law three years ago. Thousands have died in conflicts between Muslims and Christians, and properties valued at millions of U.S. dollars have been destroyed.

Political undertones

Nigeria's religious conflicts also have a strong ethnic dimension.

"The implementation of Shari'ah in northern Nigeria has political undertones," says Benjamin Kwashi, Anglican bishop of Jos. "It has brought a situation whereby Muslim leaders violate the constitution to pursue a selfish political and religious agenda."

The federal government so far has not hinted at what it will do next. Abdulkhadir Kure, governor of Niger state, wrote to the justice minister that there would be no concessions. He added that "the honorable cause to take, if you feel strongly about the constitutionality of our action, is to lay the issue before the [supreme] court."

Nigerian Christian leaders hope Agabi does just that. Fred Agbaje, a constitutional lawyer, told Christianity Today that local Islamic law violates portions of the constitution that prohibit "the adoption of any religion by any of the states of the federation."

Muslims, however, do not see it that way. Lateef Adegbite, secretary-general of Nigeria's Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs, says Agabi is interfering with the prerogatives of states. The national government "has no right to coerce the states," Adegbite told Christianity Today. "It is an intimidation—a very, very disturbing development."

Comments

I am a muslim. I declare that there is no God worthy of worship except Allah and that Muhammed (SAWS) is the messenger of Allah. However, I also believe that in a multi-cultural, multi-religious state like Nigeria which operates a non-partisan, secular constitution, muslims should negotiate the degree of the Shariah law that should be reflected in the Nigerian constitution. We should also make proposals on the ways by which contradictions should be resolved. For instance if the Nigerian constitution gives more freedom to a muslim (regarded by the constitution as a Nigerian) than the Sharia, which of the two laws should prevail. Until these contradictions and confusion is sorted out it will be extremely difficult to practice sharia in a county whose constitution is secular based.