| Moving Beyond the Ribadu Saga - Part 1 |
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| Written by Dr Olu Ojedokun | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Friday, 08 August 2008 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The nature of the responses I have received to my last article Ribadu, No Condition is Permanent encourages me to explore constructive suggestions on the way forward for Nigeria. For it is not enough for me to demonise this government, it is our and my duty to speak to it with alternative plans and suggestions so that we might break free from the current stagnancy. I have therefore decided to revive a previously unpublished piece. When President Clinton visited Nigeria in 1999 he talked of a Nigeria worthy of its peoples dreams, a new Nigeria which is to be the worlds next great opportunity to advance the cause of peace, justice and prosperity. This has been one of the inspirations that have moved me to write this article. I am conscious of a realisation that the passage of time may have affected the currency and relevance of this issue. However, the fast changing political climate of Nigeria makes me ponder and realise that for Nigeria to move forward, particularly a country mired in the endemic malaise of corruption, bad governance and impunity, to a place worthy of its peoples dreams, there needs to be an engagement with the following as a starting points:
In the light of the Oputa Panel, it is valid to raise the questions whether this is a needless re-opening old wounds or the pursuit of an exercise in futility whilst our rulers continue to loot the treasuries at their disposals. I would, however, suggest in response the words of President Nicholas Sarkozy that[1]: It is all well and good to never get your shirt wet, to take no risks, to stay on the sidelines, to speak to no one, to be sure of ones self and what one believes in while sipping ones café crème on the boulevard It is for this reason that I simply cannot keep quiet but constantly feel the urge to speak truth to power. I sincerely hope that attempts in the paragraphs below would advance some justification for the position of re-opening or building upon the Oputa Panel. In the paragraphs below I have usefully attempted to place the Oputa panel in context of its setting up and of its main conclusions. I have already suggested that for Nigeria to move forward to its next phrase of nation building then any truth and reconciliation process must bring about the emergence of leaders, in the mould of real servant leadership but not one of the go-slow cum road block variety advanced by the President Umaru Yar Adua. It should be in a mould that would enable them to emerge and become a prophetic voice, constantly speaking truth to power. A prophetic voice from men and women in government and from religious bodies, such as the Church, who derive strength in believing that their own strength lies in the ultimate liberation of the Nigerian people and that it is more important than the prestige and power of their positions.[2] For any such process to be successful it must be grounded in the reasoning that: A lie cannot use truth to sustain itself and because of the importance of people being able to tell their stories, because their identity was linked so inseparably with their stories. I would suggest that it is precisely because the Oputa Panel in its establishment had a limited role and powers that it simply has not been able to contribute to moving Nigeria on to the next stage of its development nor was it able to sufficiently speak truth to power. This article attempts to provide some background to the Oputa Panel to refresh our memory. On June 4, 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo appointed a Commission to investigate human rights abuses committed from January 1, 1994 until taking office on May 29, 1999. In formally inaugurating the Commission on June 14 (Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission), he extended the inquiry further into the past, to December 31, 1983, when President Shehu Shagari was deposed in a military coup. The panel's mandate was:
Chaired by Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, the panel was constituted by Alhaji Ali Kura Michika, Rev. Matthew Kuka, Elizabeth Pam, Mallam Mamman Daura (replaced later by Alhaji Adamu Lawal Bamalli), Tunji Abayomi, Modupe Areda and T.D. Oyelade, serving as its secretary. Though the panel through its chairman, Justice Oputa, requested enabling legislation be enacted to clarify the Commission's status and powers, including by providing it with power of subpoena. There is no evidence to suggest it received the full powers it needed or required along the lines of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. There are 31 recommendations contained in the summary of the Oputa Panel, however, part of the report stated that: 1.19 To this extent, it was not possible or easy to extract from alleged perpetrators the measure of remorse and plea for forgiveness so vital for forgiveness and reconciliation to take place. This in my view is the Achilles heel of the Oputa Panel and the reason why the report has limited role to play in moving us forward. The Oputa Panel Report remains an historic document and a basis to which a more substantive process can be built. Contrasting the Oputa Panel with the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission we would see that The evidence is that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was (i) implemented by a government committed to human rights and a party, the ANC, who established four commissions in 1984, 1989, 1992 and 1993 to investigate allegations of its own internal abuses; (ii) had broad investigative powers, including subpoena power; (iii) was mandated by statute to deal with an inclusive range of human rights abuses and to name names of perpetrators; (iv) conducted public hearings; (v) had a long two-year life span, ending in December 1997.[3] The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established after South Africas transition to a non-racial democracy by a bill introduced in parliament in 1994.[4] Its primary purpose was to investigate acts of violence and discrimination committed by the Apartheid regime. It also hoped to obtain as complete a record as possible of abuses inflicted by individuals and organisations during the Apartheid era, including abuses by exiles groups like the ANC and the Pan-Africanist Congress. It hoped that these would foster a climate of reconciliation and that those who confessed to human rights violations could apply for amnesty. It is this key provision of amnesty more than any other that I feel hampered the Oputa Panel from speaking truth to Power and providing a platform for us to move forward, beyond our present malaise. In the light of this I suggest that the Oputa Panel cannot be seen as a completion of any sort of process but merely as a template to which a future panel(s) convened or inaugurated may build upon. In the next part of this article I shall seek to address the address the next part of the question: To explore the need for a more substantive truth commission along the lines of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission in order to combat the endemic malaise of corruption and mis-governance in Nigeria. The writer is a Barrister and Solicitor of the Supreme Court of Nigeria
[1] Samuel, Henry (2007): Sarkozy hits back over Gadaffis Paris visit The Daily Telegraph Wednesday December 12, 2007. [2] Du Boulay, Shirley (1988)., Tutu, Voice of The Voiceless., London: Hodder & Stoughton., p.264 [3] Beth S. Lyons: (1997) Between Nuremberg and Amnesia: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa. http://www.monthlyreview.org/997lyons.htm [Accessed on 18 October 2003].
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Posted by Robot| 08.08.2008 06:36