| To Probe The Emperor |
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| Written by Sonala Olumhense | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Sunday, 27 January 2008 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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To Probe The Emperor I WISH to vote with Nigerians who want former President Olusegun Obasanjo probed. The following are 10 of the reasons why. One: Philosophically, President Obasanjo had claimed that business as usual was over. This was the most outstanding lie in all of his eight years. Business as usual is exactly what we got. He did make progress in a few areas, but none of them is capable of surviving if the foundations upon which they were laid are found to be false. Two: Politically, only upon the probe of Obasanjo can a meaningful new start be made. Otherwise, there is no present, but Obasanjo's continuation. In that sense, probing Obasanjo is actually in the interest of both the former president, and the current. Three: Corruption. It is of great significance that President Musa Yar'Adua once promised to carry on the anti-corruption "war" of his predecessor. He has said all the right things so far, but unless we establish exactly what has happened so far, it might be more of a joke to say we are at war. Four: Our economy. President Obasanjo instituted an "economic reform" agenda that is now being toned down. The privatisation programme is dead, and the government has taken back the oil refineries sold by its predecessor. President Yar'Adua has lamented how his predecessor threw away $10 billion in the power sector - the sector so fundamental to Yar'Adua's economics he said he would declare a state of emergency. When there has been a disaster, the first thing to do is to assess the extent of the damage. Five: NEEDS. President Obasanjo inaugurated the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy, a "homegrown" reform strategy that was hailed as the last reform scheme we would ever need, and one that he vowed to implement. In spite of all the efforts and resources thrown into it, it did not fulfil a single promise, and after only two years, Obasanjo himself even stopped talking about it. It was never reviewed, never renewed, never remembered. Six: The unprecedented flood of funds Nigeria enjoyed during Obasanjo's tenure. One component is the Abacha file. In November 2006 in London, the chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Mr. Nuhu Ribadu, said Nigeria had so far recovered $2 billion. Another component: the vast extra oil revenues that came to us as a result of the Iraq war and its aftermath. Yet another: the $1 billion per annum accruing to us following the debt relief agreement with the Paris Club. Still, we lack drinking water, and good schools and roads. Things are still so bad that Nigeria's elite would rather holiday in Ghana than at home. They continue to send their wives and children abroad for relaxation and education. And abroad remains the destination of choice if they want to die, because they have no reason to trust our hospitals. The only thing that has been heard of the Abacha funds was early in 2007, when Obasanjo's Finance Minister, Nenadi Usman, said the money had all been given to five Ministries - Power, Works, Health, Education, and Water Resources. I can't wait for Obasanjo to tell us where these projects are, how they were determined, and how they are managing to float on billions of dollars without any Nigerian taking notice. We must find out where all these funds were documented and deployed. Seven: Obasanjo refused to appoint a Minister for Petroleum Resources because he said he could not find a Nigerian worthy of his trust. Let us hear his testimony about how he ran the place, including the disbursement of countless oil blocks and accounts. One of those accounts is the Petroleum Development Trust Fund that, according to former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, the President treated as though it was his personal wallet. Unless we probe Obasanjo, the situation would remain that the man answered to himself, and still does. Eight: Whatever happened to all those disappearing foreign currency cheques that he said he would personally investigate? I offer four examples.
But nobody ever was named by Obasanjo's "corruption-fighting" government. Nobody ever went to jail. Nine: And speaking of people not going to jail, we need to know why it seems President Obasanjo's friends never went to jail. An example: four years ago, the police declared wanted 78 persons that had been indicted by the Justice Obiora Nwazota Judicial Panel, which investigated the Nigeria Airways between 1983 and 1999. That number included former aviation ministers and directors found guilty of having mismanaged, looted or misappropriated N54 billion, and they were recommended for prosecution, ban from public office and refund of the money. Because some of them were Obasanjo's friends, or friends of friends, their names are worth repeating: former Managing Directors Jani Ibrahim, Capt. Mohammed Joji, Air Commodore Bernard Banfa, Capt. Bara Allwell-Brown, and Air Vice Marshall Anthony Okpere (rtd). And then, of course, former ministers Maj. Gen. Olu Bajowa (rtd), AVM Patrick Koshoni (rtd), AVM Abdullahi Bello (rtd), Alabo Tonye Graham-Douglas and Capt. Benoni Briggs. We would like to know why justice has been denied Nigerians. Ten: We need to look into Obasanjo's gross violation of authority and privilege in the management of his office and investments. It is conceivable that he never found a contradiction in the things he did for himself on the back of presidential privilege. It is established that at least one presidential jet was used to launder funds at least once, and that Obasanjo personally benefited from that known transaction. And there are questions about Transcorp, the Presidential Library, Temperance Farms, and his schools. If Obasanjo gets away without being investigated, the bigger loser will not be Obasanjo, but this nation. What Obasanjo did in office, and the reason that people are calling for him to be probed, was done with arrogance, indiscipline and impunity. Not to probe him is to protect him. To protect him is to betray the Constitution and the people of Nigeria in favour of yet another privileged citizen. Let us not forget that once, on June 23, 2004, Obasanjo confessed that Nigerian leaders had failed Nigerians. This is his chance to prove he is not one of those leaders. And he also told the BBC four years ago: "Any Nigerian, who is not prepared to die for (Nigeria) does not deserve to be a Nigerian citizen." Probing him would give him the opportunity to stand by those words, and for Nigerians to see who he really was, as a president. As a man, Obasanjo is already unraveling on his own, now accused of tragic carnal pleasures by his own son, a medical doctor. God is God.
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Posted by Robot| 27.01.2008 08:52