| Dying for Nigeria |
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| Written by Sonala Olumhense | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Sunday, 30 September 2007 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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DYING FOR NIGERIA
Nuhu Ribadu is right. Nigeria is worth dying for. But let us be clear what dying really means, because there are many who are dying for Nigeria already. Many die because of poor drinking water, or lack of food or medicine. They are shot by armed robbers. They are crushed by political hypocrisy. They die because of our roads. They are killed as they wait for justice. There are many more that are denied life, or life in Nigeria, by a dearth of opportunity. Some die to Nigeria: giving it up for any other life, anywhere else. There are some in Nigeria who die in spirit long before their bodies give up: marginalized people in a society that does not acknowledge character or integrity. As an admirer of the courage of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) chairman, I praise his conviction that if necessary, he would die for Nigeria in the battle against corruption. This memo is a reminder that, although his cause is just and his strength remarkable, there are men, women and children whose only possession is hope. Some of that hope is in institutions such as the EFCC. But does Ribadu understand? Is it clear to him why Citizen Nigerian holds the EFCC and the so-called war against corruption in suspicion? I do not think so. Our nation is recognized as a very corrupt nation. The coming of the anti-graft agencies is also recognized as one of the few steps forward in the last eight years. The concern is that the EFCC has offered considerably less than it promised. Perhaps one can rephrase that: Mr. Ribadu has not fulfilled the high expectations he has consistently promised. There is often an uncomfortable dissonance between his blustery assertions and what the Commission is actually doing. Recently, for instance, the EFCC arrested a teacher of the National Teachers Institute for defrauding some students of the Distance Learning Centre in Lagos of over N6million. This is good work, but examined closely, cases like this really speak of the EFCCs weakness, not its strength. They underline how little the Commission is hurting corruption where it matters. Citizen Nigeria is still waiting for the EFCC to make a true mark on corruption at the highest levels. Let us be reminded that Mr. Ribadu built his formidable image partly on his opposition to corruption in the executive branch of government. He routinely expressed his frustration about the constitutional immunity that enabled several corrupt governors known to avoid prosecution, and stressed how ready he was to stop many corrupt people from running for office in 2007. He warned serving governors the Commission was waiting for May 29, 2007 when they would revert to regular citizens. That transition arrived four months ago. Where are the fireworks? Where is the fire and brimstone he suggested would be visited on them? We can count on the fingers of one hand the number of former governors that have seen a courtroom, let alone a jail cell. Whatever happened to those thick files of ignominy and sin? The EFCC delay has turned into a major advantage for these men. While Citizen Nigerian waited for the EFCC to open up the fireworks, some of them conveniently vanished underground. Others are growing so bold and confident they are pre-empting the Commission in court. This should not be surprising: our people say that if a bird spends too long on a tree, it will be found either by rain or sun. I have heard the disingenuous idea of obtaining every shred of evidence relating to every corrupt act of a particular former governor before he is charged, but there is no reason to believe it. And then it gets more complicated. Last week in New York last week, Mr. Ribadu bristled at a suggestion that Olusegun Obasanjo and former Works Minister Anthony Anenih be investigated for corruption. He explained there are worse people when it came to corruption than these two. Now, if there are such big fishes in these murky waters, who are they? What has the EFCC done about them? Take away a few governors and all we hear are promises of big things to come. How is it that 20 or 25 former governors still have doubt on their side in the eyes of the Commission? I am convinced the EFCC is not doing the best it can: openly and fairly, and with complete transparency. Mr. Ribadu did not help his cause when he said in New York that anyone that has something against Obasanjo should come forward. There are worse criminals than Obasanjo and Anenih, he said. People should be asking that such criminals should be brought to justice rather than Obasanjo. Be careful, Mr. Ribadu. In effect, a man launches a war against corruption, but the machinery is good enough only to be used in the same war against others less corrupt than he? This explains why some people believe that the EFCC is discriminatory in its assignment. Mr. Ribadus unfortunate point is the same one Obasanjo adopted about Ibrahim Bademasi Babangida (IBB), about whom he said he had found nothing corrupt, in 2001. But IBB was his key supporter. When it came to Sani Abacha, his former jailer, Obasanjo was able to find Naira and kobo in countries you did not know were on the map. In any case, Mr. Ribadu has spoken about how corrupt IBB iswhich contradicts Obasanjoyet while Ribadu is in New York assailing corruption, IBB is in Nigeria enjoying unbelievable affluence and influence. Perhaps Mr. Ribadu may want to speak a little more slowly, so he can hear himself, and retain the support of people like myself. In the EFCCs report to the National Assembly on the Petroleum Trust Development Commission, it is interesting that the EFCC was willing to accept all the claims made by the President against Vice-President Atiku Abubakar. But it similarly ignored the allegations against Obasanjo. In many cases, Atikus office even published photocopies of cancelled cheques that demonstrate Obasanjos complicity. What evidence sounds good to the EFCC? Perhaps Obasanjo will be found not to be corrupt. And the EFCC, not Obasanjo, is not the focus of this piece. But we cannot access the future if we do not understand the past, or tell the truth. What of the billions of Naira paid into the Obasanjo/Atiku Campaign in 2003, part of it with the illegal collusion of Corporate Nigeria? What of the N8.5 billion he received for the Presidential Library while in office, much of it from questionable sources? Would Obasanjos Transcorp transgressions, had they been committed by Mr. Atiku, escaped the EFCC? How can Mr. Ribadu expect to find what he is not interested in? By the way, is abuse of office of any interest here? I have a few suggestions as the way on corruption stalls and our looting champions get on with the task of enjoying life in exotic foreign villas. The first is that the EFCC chairman must emphasize the EFCC more, and Mr. Ribadu, less. His greatest legacy would be an increasingly stronger Commission, not a more powerful chairman. Among other things, the Commission must provide for the families of its operatives who die in action. Second, there has been no true continuation of the EFCCs work under the current government. Since many of the former governors at the frontline of the anti-graft effort are the Presidents personal friends, it is easy to assume the President is not serious. The EFCC must remind the President of this perception. It is a tragedy the President seems satisfied only with the declaration of assets of four or five people. Third, Mr. Ribadu continues to claim that $2 billion of Abachas stolen $6billion Naira has been recovered. There is no sign of those funds, and the EFCC would do well to obtain from Finance Minister Nenad Usman the investigation into them she promised earlier this year. Fourth, I recall that last March, the House of Representatives asked the EFCC to account for all monies and assets it has recovered, as well as donations received, since it came into law. The Commission must lead by example, and the House, by continuity. Nigerians are dying for a genuine war. It must be one in which they can participate and be happy to die for their country.
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Posted by Robot| 30.09.2007 07:03