16 Nov 2008 |
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Between the United Nations and our UnUnited Nations This weekend, the United Nations commences yet another intervention in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It has an awful reputation in the country stemming from its first peacekeeping effort there in half a century ago. The DRC has not known much peace since then, either. This time, the Secretary-General is sending our own Olusegun Obasanjo. It will not be the man’s first time in the neighborhood, either. He served there as a peacekeeper as a young soldier, and almost paid with his life. He went on to enjoy two tours of duty as Nigeria’s leader, first as an iron-fisted soldier in 1999, and then as a civilian in 1999. When Obasanjo left office in 1979, he became a celebrity. The world thought it was worthy of a carnival that an African military leader would “voluntarily” hand power over to a civilian. They lined up to hold parties in his honour, and to give him the keys to their cities. Obasanjo repaid: he gave speeches and interviews and conferences at which he underlined the great need in Africa of “good governance.” World leaders cheered. They had found an African hero: a former soldier who advocated the transformation of Africa using the democratic tool. When he ran into trouble and was put in jail for a phantom coup, Nigerians rewarded him with their presidency upon his return. It is that leadership, from 1999 to 2007, that defines the Obasanjo who left Angola for the DRC on Friday. It was during Obasanjo’s eight-year rule as a born-again democrat that the United Nations wrote its most important documents since The Charter, the Millennium Declaration, in 2000. On the basis of that Declaration, the United Nations adopted the Millennium Declaration Goals, eight principal development targets agreed to by every nation on earth and every development institution, with a deadline of 2015. Those targets include halving extreme poverty, halting the spread of HIV/AIDS, and providing universal primary education. It is obvious that these are obvious goals that no self-respecting nation needed goading in order to achieve, particularly those nations that had the resources. Under Obasanjo, Nigeria was swimming with every resource— human, natural and financial—to make our nation a remarkable success MDG story. And yet when Obasanjo left office in 2007, halfway down the MDG timeline, Nigeria was being cited as one of those nations most unlikely to meet the goals. Under Obasanjo’s ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP), development was defined not in terms of Nigeria or her people, but of the party and its leaders. Governance was not defined in terms of what served the Nigerian people but of how the PDP could spread its tentacles and rule indefinitely. Under the PDP, corruption festered, infrastructure decayed, unemployment ran wild, just as poverty multiplied and HIV & AIDS were downplayed. Obasanjo’s PDP stole wherever there was anything to steal: budgets, votes, justice. Because everyone knew that Obasanjo’s preachment about good governance was only a front, corruption acquired a new swagger. The Iboris and Odilis ate breakfast at the presidential palace in Abuja, did their branch banking and lunch in London, and partied in Dubai or Washington D.C. But this is not an Obasanjo story. It is about the United Nations. My question is: if the United Nations is serious about being on the side of what is right and fair, what kind of peace does its conscience enjoy when it asks our most hated anti-people former leaders to bring us peace? The DRC is a very troubled country. The UN mission in the country is a huge 18,434, including Nigerian troops, and growing. It could certainly use the wisest and most respectable counsel of both Africa and the United Nations. But in a nation where the organization is still held in great suspicion, how wise is Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s choice of Obasanjo? The DRC is proof of how often the international community often misjudges rebel movements in Africa, only to discover that they are far more educated and savvy than the government in power. Their perspective of who sits between the parties at the peace table is certain to be a significant factor. In addition to that, I have tremendous difficulty in understanding what signals the United Nations sends out when it hands such authority to a man with such a pathetic record. Is the credibility of that former leader not important in reaching the decision to give him the job, or is Africa still so far away, metaphorically, that Obasanjo is actually a hilarious inside joke at the UN? Back home, Nigerians well know the institution of “soft landing.” That is when Obasanjo appointed a party-member who had failed to win re-election, to a federal position. Desperate to rehabilitate his international reputation since he left office, the United Nations has just given Obasanjo this most desired golden parachute. On whose side is the United Nations?
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