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Welcome to Hell; welcome to Nigeria
By Jane Warhurst, International News Agency
16 April 2027
It is nearly dusk, and I am in Abuja being driven in a
luxury car towards Aso Rock to meet the man they call "the Genocidal
General". As our car speeds towards its destination, many thoughts race
through my mind - like how fortunate I am to have been able to land this rare
opportunity to take a peek into the mind of the man many people call "The
Most Evil Man in the World". I still remember the call to the bureau
office in London asking us if we wanted to send "one of our people over so
that the general could put his side of the story across to the world"; how
many of my friends and families remonstrated with me over my decision to go;
how nervous I was before the trip, and now that I'm here, I'm wondering what I
should expect.
Indeed, what kind of a man am I going to interview? This, after all,
a man who has passed a decree officially converting the country to his personal
property; a man under whose rule death squads roam the country routinely and
indiscriminately killing whoever they like; a man who has laughed in the face
of world opprobrium and declared "I do not give a flying fuck about what
the world thinks about my regime, as long as all it does is to think". On
the other hand, he is known to be a highly intelligent and cultured man who
does not fit into the stereotype of the crude dictator.
But for some, this intelligence borders on madness. "If
the world had a conscience, it would have invaded Nigeria a long time ago to
free the people from the grip of this lunatic", rages Eddy Okorie, a human
rights activist, from his base in London. "This man has done worse than
what Hitler, Idi Amin and Bokassa together could have done, yet all the West
can do is to impose sanctions - sanctions that have little effect".
Indeed, the regime of Lieutenant-General Josiah Killango has waxed stronger
since he came to power, despite the almost universal agreement that his regime
is unparallelled in its brutality.
I am jerked from my thoughts as the car slows to a stop and
I realise that we have arrived at our destination - a huge palatial mansion
which dominates the landscape with its sheer size. I step out of the car,
still wondering what kind of man exactly I am going to meet. I am ushered into an ornately furnished room by a smartly
dressed officer, offered a choice of refreshments and asked to wait for a while
- the general will see me shortly.
After a short while, General Killango emerges from a side
door. He is very much like he appears in the media - lean, with a permanently
belligerent expression on his face, as though he is expecting you do dare him
to do some reckless deed. "So - you were able to make it, then?" he
booms. "Good! Oya - let's start the interview. Fire away!"
I start by asking him about why under his regime, millions
of people have died in state sponsored killings. He looks at me for one moment
and laughs. "Typical Western journalist! Always looking for the effect
instead of trying to find out the cause." He cocks his head to one side
and gives a crooked smile. "But of course, the sensational image of the
brutal dictator is the one the sells in the West, not so?" I start to
protest, saying that it is right for people to why such large numbers of people
are dying, but he cuts me short. "Don't give me that nonsense!" he
barks. "Before my rule, when people were dying slow painful deaths due to
poverty, where were you? Now that I'm putting them out their misery quickly, it
is now right for people to know, eh? Hypocrisy in its Sunday best!"
I am dumbfounded - this isn't how I expected the interview
to go. So I try another tack implicitly suggested by him. "Can you tell us
a bit more about how you came to power, and what you motivation was?" At
this, he visibly relaxes. "Yeeees... quite simply, I wanted power so I
that I could use it for my own ends. I wanted to be able to acquire as much as
I liked and make people to do whatever I wanted. I had wanted this for as long
as I can remember, especially after I saw how our leaders who wielded such
power were feted by the masses, despite the fact that these leaders continued
to crush them into the ground.
"So, I did what any self-respecting power-hungry
Nigerian would do - I joined the army as an officer round about 1999, when
Nigeria was transitioning to so-called democracy. I made myself very popular
with the junior and middle-ranking officers, but I concealed my true intentions
because I felt the time was not yet ripe to strike.
"Eleven years later, the story was very different.
Yar'Adua's administration was floundering very badly, after failing to deliver
on many promises. The anti-corruption drive was stalled, frustrated by so many
corrupt politicians. Electricity supply was worse than ever. And most
importantly, security was out of control - especially in the Niger Delta, where
the various militia had made the place completely ungovernable so that oil
output was now only a tenth of what it used to be five years ago, and as a
consequence, oil prices were nearing 140 dollars a barrel.
"So I started plotting my takeover. After careful
discussions with various middle ranking officers, I had built a core group of
men who would go on to become leaders in the new regime. And then, we struck. I
won't bore you with the details of the planning that went on beforehand or what
happened on the day itself. All I need to say is that there was surprisingly little resistance to the coup, so unpopular was the current administration, and what little opposition there was had been subdued within twenty four hours.
A National Military Council was named, with me at the head as Head of State. Of
course, I made the usual noises decrying the state of the nation, and how bad
leadership had got us here, and how I was determined to be the broom that would
sweep away the old guard."
I ask General Killango whether he had decided before the
coup to take the action that he would become notorious for - the killing of the
one hundred and thirty seven politicians as part of this 'sweeping'. "Of
course", he said. "I had realised a long time ago that Nigerians may
have fawned on their leaders in public, but they had a lot of anger towards
them in private. It was very common for them to talk about Nigeria needing the
Rawlings treatment." He refers here to the late Jerry Rawlings, ex-leader
of Ghana who executed eight military officers on coming to power nearly fifty
years ago. "So I was determined to out-do Rawlings and make myself
immediately popular in the people's eyes. I compiled a list of leaders who were
widely regarded as corrupt, and determined that they would be made an example
of when I came to power."
And make an example he certainly did. All of Nigeria's
former and present leaders who were still alive then - Yakubu Gowon, Olusegun
Obasanjo, Shehu Shagari, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Ernest Shonekan,
Abdulsalam Abubakar and Umaru Yar'Adua - as well as a host of other leading
politicians were immediately arrested. They were then put on show trials which
were little more than public denunciations, and then they were publicly humiliated
by having them stripped naked and flogged before they were executed by firing
squad. The entire world condemned the execution as an act of barbarism, and
Nigeria was suspended from the Commonwealth. General Killango shrugs his
shoulders. "The world never condemns acts of corruption and election
rigging, but it is very happy to condemn the act of taking out the people who
perpetrate corruption and rigging. Anyway, I didn't care what the world
thought, because at that moment, the Nigerian people were solidly behind
me."
But what about the Niger-Delta war that raged from 2012 to
2014, I ask? What were his views on that? The general bristles. "How many
times will I tell you people, it was not a war! It was just military action
taken to put down the activity of a few criminals in the Niger Delta area. I
had issued an ultimatum to these people to desist from their criminal activity,
and they had ignored it. Do you expect a sovereign nation to look on while its
resources are being illegally plundered?" I suggest that a more
conciliatory approach might have worked with some of the groups at least.
"Excuse me, but I do not discuss with criminals!" he exploded.
I divert the topic by asking him about the involvement of
the United States government in the war. He chuckles "Of course they deny
getting involved. Why would they want to be seen consorting with the same
regime they have condemned? But I have said it before, and I will say it again
- we were getting help from them. Not officially, of course - but somehow, we
found it easier to acquire certain kinds of weapons than it should usually have
been. Why did they get involved? Who knows - perhaps it had something to do
with the high oil price?"
In any event, the Delta area was pacified after a few years
- but at a huge cost. The general had ordered saturation bombing so that the
death toll was huge, with most of the dead being innocent citizens. And after
the war, most areas were uninhabitable. "But most Nigerians were still
solidly behind me, because as I presented it to them, I was liberating an
national resource from the hands of a few greedy criminals."
It was at this time that the oppresive nature of the regime
began to show itself, as the general began to start jailing critics of the
regime who had begun questioning its unwillingness to return to democracy.
"Those people were real jokers", the general scoffs. "I do all
the hard work of plotting and planning, putting my neck on the line - so that I
can return the country to a pack of thieves? Nonsense! But of course, when I
was jailing them, I didn't say that at the time. Instead, I let Nigerians know
that these people I was jailing were in support of a return to the old corrupt
ways, and I could not allow that to happen."
So the country continued its steady slide into dictatorship
and economic chaos, as the National Military Council was first purged of any
officers opposing him, then then abolished altogether leaving him as Supreme
Head of State. The press was routinely harassed and censored by a greatly expanded
security service, and several people who were critical of the regime in public
ended up disappearing. It was not long before General Killango removed all
pretence of caring about the welfare of Nigerians. "To be honest, I was
tired of making speeches about progress and achievement when I really wanted to
settle down to the business of enjoying power."
General Killango signalled this change of direction by both
making himself Life President and unleashing wave after wave of arbitrary
terror nationwide in the form of death squads which went from town to town
dragging people out at random and shooting them for alleged crimes against the
general. "Such methods may seem barbaric to you, but they have worked very
well for me as a way of keeping people's minds purged of thoughts of rebellion.
It also helps that I don't have to worry about the economy any longer - this
means that times are so hard and people are so preoccupied with where their
next meal is coming from that they don't have time to think of plotting a
revolution. "In fact, the only people I care about our my soldiers, the
security services and the people working for the companies that drill oil in
the Delta. Everyone else can go hang."
Indeed, life outside Abuja and a few pockets elsewhere is harsh
and inhuman. Much of the country exists in a state of semi-anarchy, where the
only government representation is in the form of sporadic visits from death
squads who kill people and rob them of whatever goods they have. People have been reduced to living
subsistence lives as infrastructure has decayed from prolonged neglect. Disease
and premature deaths are rife due to poor sanitation and chronic famine.
Pockets of independent communities that fend for themselves as best as they
can, but they are almost completely cut off from world as they cannot afford
radios or phones to keep in touch, and the press is virtually non-existent.
Millions of Nigerians have died under these conditions; many more have migrated
to other countries; and those that are left are completely demoralised and have
no hope at all that things will change in the near future, so firm a grip does
the general have on power.
Meanwhile, Nigerians outside the country call on the
international community not to stand by but to take military action and have
the general arrested for crimes against humanity. Killango laughs at such calls
for action. "The are the same people who are always criticising the West
for meddling in Africa's affairs - now they want the West to throw me out? Why
should the West get involved in a matter that does not concern it? It has
learnt very well from the lesson of Iraq, where it was bogged down until 2012. And
of course, it helps that I can turn to China if the West want to be funny.
That's why they dare not extend sanctions banning Western oil companies from drilling
oil in here - they know that the Chinese will immediately rush in. So I let
them drill their oil in peace, protected by the military, they get their oil,
they give me my cut and everyone is happy. Anyway, killng me is no guarantee that thing will get better. I'm the only one who can hold the country together right now - get rid of me, and you'll see anarchy that will make Somalia look like child's play."
I leave, terribly despondent. I was hoping that there would
be some rational explanation that would give people hope, but I have come away
from the interview realising that here is a man who not only is committing a
terrible wrong but is also not ashamed to say so. And yet... I wonder whether
he is not after all a product of his environment. Could Nigerian leaders not
done more to prevent the kinds of conditions that gave his coup legitimacy?
Could the international community not have played a more constructive role? But
this is all academic, as General Killango sits comfortably in power, unlikely
to be moved for a long time.

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Posted by Robot| 22.12.2007 07:15