08 Sep 2007 |
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Yar'Adua, The Attorney General And The EFCC The Yar'adua government is sending negative signals about the EFCC. The President's body language on the question of the anti-corruption campaign is confusing. For a President whose body language is a symbol of austerity, his subtle and no-so-subtle moves on the EFCC in the last 102 days indicate very clearly that he does not intend to grant as much importance to the EFCC as did the Obasanjo administration. The public face of this attitude is the current Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Michael Aondoakaa whose body language in comparison to his boss's is so expansive and self-promoting. Aondoakaa is leaving no one in any doubt that he intends to cut the EFCC and its Chairman, Nuhu Ribadu to size, and interestingly he is hiding under what he calls the rule of law, but the way he goes about it (his assignment?), he might as well be hiding behind a finger. . The latest from the "Chief Law officer of the Federation" (how he loves that title!) is his directive that the EFCC should fire its attorney in the Orji Kalu case, and ask him to apologise to the AGF for insulting his representative in court. I shall return to this in greater detail presently. But first, it will be recalled that one of the major early events in the life of the Yar'Adua administration was the announcement by the Presidency that in the light of Section 174 of the Constitution, the EFCC, the ICPC and other law enforcement agencies would only henceforth now institute criminal proceedings after due clearance with the office of the Attorney General of the Federation. This had caused so much disquiet especially in the light of a Supreme Court judgment (FGN vs Osahon) which had made it clear that law enforcement agents can initiate criminal proceedings although the Attorney General of the Federation under Section 174 of the 1999 Constitution and Attorneys General of the states under Section 221 have the powers to discontinue or take over such cases at any stage. The clear import of the ruling in that case is that the AGF does not enjoy a monopoly over the institution of criminal proceedings. The Federal Government had dissociated itself 24 hours later from any possible interpretation of its reference to the powers of the AGF being an attempt to muzzle the anti-corruption and other law enforcement agencies. But in retrospect, that small drama over Section 174, the details of which are as clear as crystal, was unnecessary. But it served three curious purposes. It served the purpose of bringing Michael Aondoakaa to public attention. We knew from that point onwards that some fellow called Aondoakaa was now the Chief Law officer of the Federation! And since then, he has been bestriding the public space like Moses the law giver, he it was for example who sounded the death knell of the Naira redenomination policy of the Central Bank of Nigeria when he brought out a section of the CBN Act which the CBN purportedly violated, and he gave a final ruling as if he were the Supreme Court of the land!. The drama over Section 174 also served the purpose of reminding us of the importance of the office of the Attorney General of the Federation, with an accent on his powers to discontinue criminal proceedings and the fact that law enforcement agencies merely act on his behalf. The incident further provided a sub text to the arraignment, by the EFCC at the time, of former state Governors (Kalu, Dariye, Akume, Nnamani, Turaki etc) who had been accused of theft of public funds, money laundering, and other corrupt practices, and whose immunity under Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution had expired. But in the reckoning of the Presidency, the pre-eminence of the Office of the Attorney General is to serve the purpose of reminding everyone of its promise and determination to acknowledge, promote and insist on the rule of law. The rule of law is one of the favourite phrases of President Umaru Yar'adua, and where a section of the law can be used to justify any action, he jumps at it. This love of the rule of law resonates well with the Nigerian people who have lived for too long as witnesses to the brazen abuse of the law first by military rulers and later by their civilian successors. Under the Obasanjo administration for eight years, the rule of law was applied selectively oftentimes to serve political ends. But what President Yar'Adua may soon discover in due course is that the law can sometimes be an ass, which can be pressed to service to justify anything. Placed in the care of the present Attorney General of the Federation, my suspicion is that we are likely to see in the days ahead, the law truly made to act like an ass. Take the conduct of the office of the Attorney General and the Ministry of Justice in the matter between the EFCC and Orji Kalu, former Governor of Abia state. On Wednesday, the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) in the Federal Ministry of Justice had suddenly shown up in the court of Justice Babs Kuewumi at the Federal High Court in Abuja, without prior notice and invoking the almighty Section 174, to take over the Kalu trial from the EFCC. This was said to have been inspired by a petition from Kalu's lawyers alleging that the EFCC had instituted an action against him in violation of an earlier order by an Umuahia, Abia state court restraining the EFCC from arresting, detaining and prosecuting Kalu. Kalu's lawyers had told the Federal Government: "unless you intervene, the Commission will scandalously and contemptuously continue to assail the rule of law." Confronted with the famous phrase "the rule of law", the Attorney General of the Federation purportedly wrote a letter to Kalu's lawyers telling them "we will intervene." And so on Wednesday, they did. Now, my point is that there is an indecent way in which governmental powers can be exercised and what the office of the Attorney General has done is just that: most indecent. What happened on Wednesday in the Court of Justice Kuewumi amounted to an insult to legal practice and an embarrassment to the court. In the face of the court, two lawyers appeared for the same case, one claiming to have the powers of Section 174 behind him, and the other claiming to be the prosecutor in the court's records. The presiding judge had to excuse the Court form the emerging mess by asking the tow lawyers to go and out and sort out their problem. We expect a higher level of conduct from the Ministry of Justice. Why would the Attorney General accept the position of Kalu's lawyers without even referring the petition to the EFCC if only for comment? Why did it not take the case file away from the EFCC administratively instead of choosing to come to the court to stage a needless show? Then to worsen the perfidy, the Attorney General subsequently later wrote to the EFCC Chairman asking that the EFCC should change its lawyer in the Orji Kalu case, and ask Adebisi Adeniyi, who had appeared for the EFCC lawyer, Rotimi Jacobs to apologise for allegedly insulting the representative of the Attorney General of the Federation in court. What is this? Yes, the AGF can take over a criminal case in court but where in Section 174 does the Constitution grant him the powers to dictate who should act as a lawyer in a case in court. And what is this tosh about apology? It is the Attorney General and the DPP that should apologise to the EFCC and Nigerians in general. It is also most strange that the Attorney General of the Federation is instructing the EFCC to appoint another lawyer in the case. What is there again for the EFCC in the Orji Kalu case? It is trite to restate the fact that the AGF cannot take over a case and then abandon it and ask the law enforcement agency from which it had taken it over in the first place to continue with it. Again, there is no such provision in Section 174. The AGF may need to read his copy of the Constitution more carefully. . Nigeria's tragic experience with the management of the rule of law in the last eight years has been the continual appointment as Attorney General of the Federation, persons who deliberately either misinterprete the law to serve political purposes or who act oftentimes in a manner that subverts the rule of law. It is for this reason that informed voices have called for a separation of the offices of the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. And let this point be made, the office of the Attorney General is an established centre of gross inefficiency. In eight years, let that office point to important cases that it has successfully prosecuted. It has a reputation for taking up cases and killing them, the most celebrated in this regard being the Makanjuola case. It is obvious that the office of the Attorney General under Aodoakaa is ready to continue in that tradition. It is shameful that this is so. The interest of the Attorney General of the Federation in this matter also needs to be questioned. I draw attention to a case: the Attorney General of Benue vs Attorney General fo the Federation which had been filed by the Benue state government some months ago, with Michael Aondoakaa as the counsel for the plaintiff in the matter. In that case, the Benue state government, with George Akume as Governor had questioned the legality of the EFCC. The state wanted the court to declare the creation of the EFCC by an act of the National Assembly illegal and therefore null and void. Two things: it is not known that Aondoakaa who is now AGF has withdrawn from this case as counsel. Besides, it is pure common sense that no lawyer can serve as counsel to both the plaintiff and the defendant at the same time. The present AGF is now obviously on both sides. He appears to be using his office as Attorney General of the Federation to complete a task that he had embarked upon as a counsel in a matter involving the EFCC. To say that this is indecent is to be charitable. Aondoakaa must be told to declare his interest, and act as a honest broker in all cases involving and affecting the EFCC. It would appear that there is a grand conspiracy against the EFCC, a game which the Presidency is being unwittingly drawn into. Whatever may be its excesses, the EFCC in dealing with financial crimes and other cases under its jurisdiction has proved, so far, to be far more productive in defending the rule of law than the office of the Attorney General of the Federation. If that office has any evidence to the country, it should please make it available. If indeed, there are excesses, the responsibility of the Presidency should be to correct those excesses and not support any covert attempt to subvert the EFCC. President Yar'adua has always spoken about his commitment to the anti-corruption campaign. The politics now developing around the EFCC is a challenge to his administration to "walk the talk." Let him also note that the growing impression is that his gover4nment is really not keen about the anti-corruption campaign, because it has too many political IOUs to pay, in the last election, the new administration had been compromised a-borning. Signalling is important in governance, what a government does is as important as what it pretends not to be doing, gestures, verbal and non-verbal cues, even body language could convey equally deep impressions about a government's orientation and determine how foot-soldiers within the governance chain conduct themselves. The ball is in President Yar'Adua's court in this matter. However, given the present circumstances, it will come as no surprise if the government suddenly wakes up one morning to announce changes in the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), or even the outright scrapping of the Commission. There is a gradual build up in this direction. But before they throw away the baby with the bath water, a word of caution is necessary.
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