02 Mar 2008 |
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Why Yar'Adua Is Still In Aso Villa The answer to the poser above is perhaps simple enough. President Umaru Yar'Adua and his Vice president Goodluck Jonathan are still sitting pretty and comfortably in Aso Villa, the seat of Presidential power, their aides have not been instructed to start packing their bags in readiness for a premature exit simply because on February 25, the Court of Appeal in Abuja, acting as the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal decided in its wisdom that Mallam Umaru Yar'Adua was validly elected as President on April 21, 2007. This was the court's response to the consolidated petitions by the Presidential candidate of the ANPP, General Muhammadu Buhari and his Action Congress colleague, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. Both Buhari and Atiku had asked the court to upturn the April 21, 2007 Presidential elections on the grounds that the election was marred by irregularities, voting did not take place in about 29 states, and in Atiku's case, he insisted that he was unfairly and unjustly excluded, the symbol of his party did not appear on the ballot papers, which in addition were not numbered serially. The Court of Appeal ruled that the case presented by the petitioners lacked merit, because they did not provide enough evidence to justify their pleadings nor was there enough evidence to show a failure of substantial compliance with the Electoral Act 2006 in the conduct of the 2007 elections. In a more than three-hour judgement delivered on live television by Justice Afolabi Fabiyi on behalf of his unanimously concurring brothers on the Appeal Court Bench, their Lordships more or less ridiculed the petitioners and their lawyers, in grassy, child-like voice, The trial had been on for eight months. The Appeal Court in its ruling gave the impression that counsel to the petitioners were indolent, having failed to provide proof to justify their assertions. Evidence is all of law; and in this particular case, the Justices took an interpretative stance and offered a legal judgement, that stays carefully within the province of the law but which failed to take note of the great public interest in the weighty matter before it. The ruling of their Lordships is that the litigants did not prove their case. The response of one articulate segment of the public is that the issues at stake are so clear that the justices need not base their judgement on technicalities, rather they should have engaged in judicial activism, if not judicial interventionism, to ensure that justice is done. A common statement in this regard is that their Lordships may have delivered a judgement, but justice has not been seen to have been done. A second response is that the Court of Appeal offered its ruling on the basis of public policy, even if it did not say so. It is axiomatic that it is against public policy for the courts to offer judgements that can promote uncertainty or cause destabilization. But it is usually difficult for the court to admit expressly that it has been guided by the doctrine of necessity, for the doctrine is an unruly horse which is difficult to ride. Nonetheless, most commentators on the case have so far concluded that the Court of Appeal acted out of expediency. The danger in this is that the integrity of the court is now being openly questioned. There have been protests about the likely bribery of their Lordships. There have been protests that the ruling offers protection for those who may wish to rig elections in the future knowing that the courts would not want to cancel a Presidential election in order to protect the public. Where public policy is relied upon, what is being said is that politics is more important than justice as in perhaps Gore vs Bush in which the US Supreme Court stopped a re-counting of the votes in Florida, thus allowing the latter to win. Till today, very few believe that President Bush actually won that US Presidential election. But what exactly is the public interest? Can it be defined objectively? In every respect therefore, the Court of Appeal was in a rather difficult situation. It had an option to do justice, even if the heavens fall. But it also had an obligation to ensure that petitioners observed the law in proving their case. On both counts, unfortunately, the Court of Appeal has been discredited. From the beginning, Nigerians doubted the capacity of the Court of Appeal to do justice. This was the same Court of Appeal whose interpretations of the law had been revised routinely in the past by the Supreme Court. It will be recalled that this Court of Appeal once ruled that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) could exercise the powers of disqualification until the Supreme Court in the Atiku appeal, overruled it. Again in the Omehia-Amaechi case, the Court of Appeal had refused twice to take the case insisting that it lacked jurisdiction. The Supreme Court unto which the entire judiciary looks for leadership had to order the Court of Appeal to take the case. In the end, it was the leadership of the Supreme Court that proved decisive. In the present case, there were allegations of corruption, whose publicity appears utterly contemptuous and which need not be repeated, and questions about the role played by Justice James Ogebe, the Chairman of the Tribunal. What has been demonstrated is how the independence of the judiciary is so central to its integrity. Where a shred of doubt can be raised about a court's integrity, then whatever judgement it offers is automatically tainted. In its ruling in the Presidential election petition case, the Court of Appeal Abuja has raised loud questions about its own integrity which can only damage the place of the judiciary as a modulating factor in the democratic process. It is largely for this reason that the public response to the charge that the petitioners did not prove their cases convincingly has been taken with large measures of disbelief. Chief Mike Ahamba, SAN, counsel to General Buhari, had asked the justices to search "their bags of conscience." He accused the justices of laying ambush for the petitioners, first by not allowing them to lead evidence in open court to support their pleadings and then turning round to argue that the petitioners did not provide evidence. How could they possibly lead evidence if they were prevented from doing so? Other lawyers away from the court have similarly accused the justices contemptuously of partisanship. Thus, there has been much emphasis on what happened in court and outside of the court, making it easy to understand that the Justices were dealing with a case of a political nature, with many vested interests and their biggest failing in my view, is in offering a judgement that sought to satisfy the technical demands of elementary law. Ahamba was so angry he even issued a threat: "And I am saying that besides filing an appeal at the Supreme Court, I will take up these errant Justices at appropriate place as they have breached their own oath of office. I will take them up even if that is the last thing I do as a lawyer." It is not enough to argue that the Court of Appeal ruled according to precedents because no Presidential election in Nigeria has ever been set aside (cf. Awolowo v Shagari; Falae v. Obasanjo; Buhari v. Obasanjo), or to project that overriding public policy was at work. The truth is that the ruling lacked rigour, it was a narrow technical pursuit of the law, whereas considering the importance of the case, jurisprudential rigour would have been useful in order to address the many ambivalences in the judgment as it is. Nothing exposes the poor quality of their Lordships exposition than the manner in which the INEC has latched on to one aspect of the ruling to claim that it has been vindicated in its position that the 2007 elections were free and fair. In its ruling, the Court more or less gave the impression that all was well with the 2007 Presidential elections. The Courts' ultra legalistic interpretation of the matter before it, robbed it of the opportunity of moving close to the province of human rights, which were openly and brazenly violated in the 2007 elections. Judges are members of society. The Court of Appeal Justices reasoned as if they are from planet Mars. They turned the law into a robot as they sought a narrow correspondence between "clear rules of law and the clear findings of facts" This is why their ruling has been denied the attraction of public confidence. The facts that they alleged that the petitioners did not make available, the public insists are so evident. It is the truth that the 2007 elections were massively rigged. Both local and international observers have written reports to confirm this to be so. In the Presidential election, in particular, voting did not start in most states of the federation until late in the day. At the time of the election, the Action Congress had alleged that the result sheets were not signed by its agents. There were open allegations of ballot box theft, box stuffing and the re-writing of results. For a court of law to say openly that this has not been proven is bound to cause the kind of adverse public opinion that we have seen. Whereas court judgements cannot be based on the preferences of the mob, or media reports, the court in whatever choice it makes must be seen to be impartial. The Court of Appeal is now being required to give assurances of its impartiality. It is the worst thing that can happen to a court of law. In this as in other cases, the intervention of the Supreme Court would prove to be important. Both Buhari and Atiku have announced their intention to go to the Supreme Court on appeal. The Supreme Court may not overrule the Court of Appeal, but it is expected to give a ruling with enough gravitas to allay all expressed fears. In the 2007 elections, President Umaru Yar'Adua scored a total of 24.6 million votes, he was followed by Buhari with 6.6 million votes and Atiku by 2.4 million votes. With the ruling of the election petition tribunals in at least more than 25 cases including Senatorial and state elections, and the annulment of Gubernatorial elections in about six states, it is obvious enough that there were irregularities in the conduct of the elections. But even if half of the votes given to Yar'Adua were cancelled and given to the petitioners, commonsense shows that he would still emerge as winner. A more robust judgement could have addressed all the grey areas, even as reflections outside the main substance of the judgement. For whatever it is worth, the Court of Appeal ruling in the case of the Presidential election petitions has given the Yar'Adua government what looks like a stamp of legitimacy. So far, due process has been followed in affirming the President's right to that office. Unfortunately there was dancing and clinking of glasses only in the Presidential Villa. Nigerians did not troop out onto the streets to celebrate. In eight months, President Yar'Adua has not done anything by way of governance to justify such display of excitement. His government has been busy reversing most of the initiatives of the previous administration, no real alternative is being provided other than a monotonous reference to a "seven-point agenda" that is better appreciated on paper. Perhaps with the success of his case at the Court of Appeal, President Yar'Adua would now see the need to begin to govern by focusing on deliverables. Despite all the misgivings that may have been expressed, however, the people's faith in the court of law is not damaged. This is why there is no expression of outrage out there and Yar'Adua can afford to jet off to China, and even the critics are looking up to the Supreme Court. We are still better than the Kenyans. One thing that is clear in all this though is that Nigerians are unhappy about electoral malpractices and the brazen violation of the people's right to choose by those who rig elections. In the election petitions that have been determined so far, there is none in which the rigging of elections has been made a central issue. Mostly, the cases have been determined on the basis of technicalities. Nothing is being done about those who steal ballot boxes, and stuff them with votes, the policemen and other security agents who facilitate this criminality, and the beneficiaries, who steal the people's mandate. This is why in the local council elections that have been conducted, and in the ward and state congresses of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ahead of the party's March 8 national Convention, there has been no improvement in electoral attitudes. What we need I suppose is an Electoral Fraud Commission, so that even if certain elections are upheld, those who may have in one way or the other engaged in electoral fraud can be brought to justice, and the pleadings in such cases should be easy to prove in a court of justice.
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