| The return of Humphrey Nwosu |
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| Written by Reuben Abati | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Friday, 30 May 2008 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The return of Humphrey Nwosu SHORTLY after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election by the General Ibrahim Babangida administration, the Chairman of the then electoral body, the National Electoral Commission, quietly withdrew from the public arena and kept his peace. This was most unusual for Professor Humphrey Nwosu, a man who as the head of NEC, built a trademark for himself with his windbaggery and his endless non-verbal gestures, which included jabs in the air and sundry histrionics. But the country desperately wanted to hear from him. It turned out that Nwosu had returned to his teaching position at the University of Nigeria Nsukka, from whence he was brought to do the thankless job of superintending Nigeria's electoral process. No one before or after him has been praised for conducting Nigeria's elections. But Nwosu has been widely praised and acknowledged as the only head of the national electoral commission to conduct an election that was adjudged to be free and fair by both local and international monitors. But after 15 years in the dark, Professor Humphrey Nwosu is back in the public arena. He had shown up briefly in March at a retreat in Sokoto for leaders and Chairmen of political parties in Nigeria organised by INEC in collaboration with Abuja City Press and Communications Ltd. Two months later, Professor Nwosu is now out with a book on the June 12 phenomenon. He was on television, NTA AM Express programme, on Tuesday, to announce his return. He said he thinks the time is now right for him to share his "experiences" with Nigerians. He claimed as his achievement in this regard, organising the "freest and fairest election" in the history of Nigeria, and transforming the National Electoral Commission from an ad-hoc body into a pensionable organisation that could deliver free and fair elections. He added: "The country must be put right and it requires all of us working together". To show his commitment, he has sent a six-point memo to the National Electoral Reforms Committee. He has also written a book about the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election, to be launched on June 12, 2008, at the Abuja Sheraton. Book reviewer: Colonel Abubakar Umar, the straight talking stormy petrel of the North who resigned his Commission to defend the cause of democracy. It is refreshing to see Professor Nwosu standing at last on June 12, and declaring his position publicly. Fifteen years ago, there were reports that the soldiers, and the anti-June 12 forces, including the notorious Babangida-must-stay, hidden agenda apologists, and the anti-democratic forces in civil society, the judiciary, and the military had put a gun to Nwosu's head. He took to his heels. Over the years, Nwosu had promised journalists that he would speak when he wants. Better late than never. Professor Nwosu certainly has a lot to tell Nigerians, and he has been doing so in bits and pieces since his sudden public resurrection in March 2008. His return is a welcome development. Humphrey Nwosu may not have been named as one of the heroes of Nigerian democracy by Joe Igbokwe in his book, Heroes of Democracy, being a review of the post-June 12 civil society rebellion, but the Professor may now suddenly begin to look like a hero, because of the messy conduct of all the post-1993 elections in Nigeria: 1999, 2003 and 2007. Professor Maurice Iwu has pointed out that the 1991, 1992 and 1993 elections which Nigerians are now describing as better conducted and free and fair, should not be used as any great yardsticks, because after all, the 1993 election did not produce a President, whereas in 2007, his own INEC managed to produce a President. Iwu is mistaken. The devil is in the details of the comparison. Professor Nwosu's current eloquence is a commentary on Maurice Iwu's INEC. The major achievement that is ascribed to Nwosu's NEC in the public domain is the introduction of what is popularly known as the Option A4 electoral system. In more recent years, there have been calls among the political elite and within civil society for a return to the Option A4 model. In 1992, after cancelling the Presidential primaries of the Social Democratic Party and the National Republican Convention (NRC), the Armed Forces Ruling Council had directed Nwosu's NEC to come up with "a relatively trouble-free selection process". NEC then subsequently produced eight options, out of which the Babangida government chose Option A4. The new electoral system was codified as electoral law through Presidential Election (Basic Constitutional and Transitional Provisions) Decree 13 of 1993. Omo Omoruyi in his book The Tale of June 12: The Betrayal of the Democratic Rights of Nigerians (1992) has tried to claim the credit for Option A4 for himself and the Centre for Democratic Studies (CDS) which he led, but please note that the book is significantly devoted to an advertisement of what Professor Omoruyi supposedly did to promote democratisation, and for which, he thinks, others have refused to give him credit (!) but it is a matter of public record that Nwosu's NEC passed the test of implementation of that framework. No matter how brilliant an idea may be in Nigeria, implementation is always the problem. Nwosu, who succeeded his former teacher Professor Eme Awa, as NEC Chairman ran a successful election process which defied all known odds in Nigerian politics. Nobody can take that credit away from him. Under Option A4, a candidate was required to seek nomination from the ward level to the local to the state and national level, and to win majority votes at all levels or an average of 50 per cent. This was what led to the emergence of two Muslims, MKO Abiola (SDP) and Bashir Tofa (NRC) as Presidential candidates. There was also the Open Ballot System which was used for the local council, national assembly and gubernatorial elections and the Modified Open Ballot System which was used for the June 12, 1993, Presidential election. This electoral framework eliminated the influence of godfathers and party chieftains who had always imposed candidates on the Nigerian electorate. Under both the Open Ballot System (OBS) and the Modified Open Ballot System (MOBS), there was no point stealing ballot boxes, because everything was done in the open. In the OBS, voters queued up behind the candidates of their choice, and the number of voters supporting a candidate was counted in the open and the results collated and announced loudly and publicly at the voting centres across the 111,000 polling centres across the country. Voting material did not have to arrive late. The voter was the voting material! Party symbols did not disappear, because the candidate was his own symbol, and there were just two parties. In the MOBS, an element of secrecy was introduced, but even then, the results were announced at the polling booth in the presence of everyone. Professor Nwosu and his team conducted an election that placed due emphasis on the voter and protected his choice. This is what made it possible for the results of the June 12, 1993 election to be known. Although after results in 14 states and the FCT, had been displayed by Nwosu's NEC, the military government directed that the announcement should be stopped, but this was pointless because thanks to Option A4, the results were already known. Option A4 was perhaps manageable because there were only two political parties, the SDP and the NRC, the voting process was a lot easier to manage, the people made their choices freely. Not surprisingly, since his March appearance, Professor Humphrey Nwosu has been recommending a return to Option A4. But there are two things that those who insist on Option A4 overlook. One, its implementation is what is important. There is no electoral framework that is fool-proof. A "trouble-free" electoral framework in the hands of a partisan electoral commission can always be manipulated. Two, a lot depends on the political will of the leadership in power. The Babangida administration may have agreed to Option A4, but just before the Presidential election, it saw the dangers in the choice it had made. That is why the court was used to pass a judgement in the night in favour of the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN) purportedly stopping the conduct of the June 12 election, for which reason the anti-June 12 crowd has been arguing that there was no election on June 12, 1993, because it had been stopped by the court of law. The biggest problem with Nigerian democracy is the self-seeking, rent-collecting political elite which would rather impose its will and choices on the people. General Babangida never really wanted democracy. He ran a dictatorial government which was meant to keep him in power; his transition programme was a grand act of deception. Which is why it is most ironic that today, General Babangida has started playing the role of a consultant on democracy. How so easily we forget in this country. Professor Nwosu has also been quoted as saying that the Electoral Commission must be independent. Opinion is divided on whether or not the National Electoral Commission which he ran was independent. The Professor may offer ideas about electoral reform but the truth about his own NEC was that it was a creation of the military, tied to the apron strings of military politics and eventually sabotaged by its creators. And Professor Nwosu was himself a strong public defender of Babangida's military dictatorship, until the last minutes. And when it mattered most, he could not summon the courage to stand on the side of the progressives. He is also recommending a two-party system. He says 50 odd and weak political parties would confuse the public. Maybe not. Chief Gani Fawehinmi had gone to court, and the point has since been settled that no attempt should be made to restrict the voter's choice. If two political parties must emerge, they should not do so by decree. The SDP and the NRC of the past were artificial creations, ordered into existence, a little to the right (NRC) and a little to the left (SDP) by the military junta. Professor Nwosu's book would be joining a growing bibliography on Babangida's transition and the June 12 phenomenon, with some of the more celebrated including writings on the subject by Professor Wole Soyinka, Wale Oshun, Joe Igbokwe, Omo Omoruyi, Tunji Olagunju, Adele Jinadu and Sam Oyovbaire, Kayode Fayemi and numerous accounts by the victims of the cruelty of the Babangida government. Whatever Professor Nwosu adds would be definitely useful, but both Nwosu and others must resist the temptation of painting an idyllic picture of the past or of falling into the pit of revisionism. Why did Professor Humphrey Nwosu agree to stop the display of the results? Who put him under pressure? Why did he suddenly abandon the law and succumbed to pressures? Why didn't NEC declare the results officially since it was clear even from the results displayed so far that the election had been won and lost. Professor Nwosu's only shortcoming in the June 12 matter is his lack of conviction. But he deserves to be heard.
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Posted by Robot| 30.05.2008 11:18