21 Dec 2007 |
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South Africa and Zuma's machine gun WHAT meaning does the recent African National Congress (ANC) party election in Polokwane hold for the rest of Africa? Simply this: the South Africans are becoming politically African: they are beginning to behave like their kind in sub-saharan Africa. On December 18, in Polokwane, the ANC elected its new President, with former Deputy President, Jacob Zuma beating South African President, Thabo Mbeki, 2,329 votes to 1, 505. It was a heated, nerve-wracking process, run on high voltage and decibels. Other Africans should be interested in this development and the implications for the South African state in a post-apartheid season. Those who have always suspected that South Africa, a much better organized country in spite of its many problems, would soon succumb to the African disease under black leadership and go the way of Zimbabwe, Nigeria etc can now look back on the ANC party elections and express fresh anxieties. The Mandela veil has been lifted. For years, with the symbolism of Mandela's charisma and stature, the ANC looked like a party of good men. But the ANC today, is different. It is no longer a liberation movement that is shaped by high ideals; it is like other political parties in Africa, a party of ambitious men and women who are desperate for power and position and who would do anything, anything at all, to achieve their goals. South Africa is beginning to deal with the consequences of its post-apartheid reality. Black South African politicians are about to destroy the beauty of their nation's landscape. The signs are ominous. National crises in Africa often begin with the kind of leadership and party crisis that marked the vote in the ANC Presidential contest between President Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma. Former Deputy President Jacob Zuma not only won convincingly, he made it impossible for any of Mbeki's anointed persons to get a position in the new Party executive including his own former wife, the Minister of Foreign Affairs who is on Mbeki's side. This fierce succession war, the bitterest in ANC's 96-year old history, is the first major test for post-apartheid South Africa. It is also an ideological struggle for the future of the country. The ANC maintains an electoral hegemony. With a de facto one party state and a proportional representation system in place, it is now almost certain that Jacob Zuma is South Africa's next President in 2009. The popular choice of Jacob Zuma is a loud comment on the Mbeki Presidency: its style and choices. It reaffirms Mbeki's growing loss of popularity not only within the ANC but among the black majority. Mbeki has simply lost the grounds within the same party that he has led twice. Thabo Mbeki as President has done a lot to promote South Africa internationally. His government has won the World Cup 2010 bid, kept inflation under control, annual economic growth is steady at 5 per cent. But the government is alienated from the people. Mbeki is unpopular among the black majority who after the general swoon of the Mandela era had been asking for post-apartheid dividends and greater economic freedom. He has failed to connect with the grassroots. Services are poor, unemployment is high, the rural economy has failed. Despite government's housing programmes, the majority of blacks still live in match-box houses. The AIDS pandemic is explosive, the cost of drugs and access to healthcare for the poor is prohibitive. A neo-liberal, market-oriented economic policy may have brought Mbeki much popularity with foreign investors, the rich white community as well as the emerging black middle class, but most blacks do not see any difference between the ANC Mbeki government and the apartheid era National Party. This has created a growing population of angry South Africans who want change by any means possible.. Jacob Zuma, a man who has been much vilified by Thabo Mbeki and the mainstream South African media is the voice for this disgruntled group. By turning Zuma into a victim, with the rape and corruption trials of 2005 and his eventual removal as Deputy President, the Mbeki Presidency only succeeded in making him more popular. JZ, as he is popularly called, is the rallying point for leftist inclinations in South African politics, with widespread support from such groups as the ANC Youth League, the Coalition of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Communist Party of South Africa. His supporters readily declaim: "Give us back our Zuma or letha mshini wani" (bring my machine gun). Letha mshini wani is the title of an anti-apartheid song, embodying the frustrations and anger of a people. The battle of songs and rhetoric between Zuma and Mbeki's supporters in Polokwane was fierce and frightening. South Africa is usually praised for holding free and fair elections and perhaps this much is proven in Zuma's victory at the ANC elections. In some other African states, an incumbent President would not allow himself to be humiliated at the party polls. In Nigeria, the party constitution would have been changed to keep Zuma out of the race. His supporters would have been arrested, clobbered or assassinated. The election itself would have been rigged; ballot boxes would have been stolen, stuffed with ballot papers and returned to the voting centre. Although the South Africans have not yet quite reached this stage, they appear to be learning the ropes quickly. Delegates to the ANC Convention were promised future political appointments. Mbeki's ministers were asked to mobilize their staff to vote for the President. Public funds and resources were used to facilitate personal interests. There were many abuses. And although Zuma won the party Presidency, there are plans to use the courts to stop him from becoming South Africa's President. The politics of personalities is the bane of African politics. This is why there should be cause for worry about the future of this sub-saharan African state where there is still some measure of organization. President Mandela says he is "saddened" by developments within the ANC. Desmond Tutu says there isn't much choice between Mbeki and Zuma. The ANC is fragmented and damaged, and it may get worse. In typical African fashion, the Mbeki government has now decided to dredge up the corruption case against Zuma. The National Prosecution Agency (NPA) has now suddenly come up with enough evidence. In 2005, Zuma was relieved of his position as Deputy President to President Mbeki because of alleged corrupt deals. He was also charged for rape. In both instances, Zuma argued that he was a victim of political persecution, and he got large numbers of sympathisers, Zulus and non-Zulu, to support him. With his victory at the ANC elections, Zuma has simply shown his former boss that he is a much smarter politician. Zuma is now Mbeki's boss, and in the last two years of his presidency, Mbeki may just be a lame duck President in the shadow of Zuma. A renewed trial of Zuma can therefore be seen as an act of vendetta on the part of Mbeki. It will widen existing wounds, possibly drive Zuma and his supporters underground and sow the seeds of likely violence. The ANC may even break up, resulting in the emergence of a new mainstream party. President Mbeki ought to have learnt his lessons by now. Even if the courts stop Zuma, there will still be problems. But what kind of president can Zuma possibly be in 2009? I don't think that being popular is enough. He carries a heavy baggage. The man lacks formal education. He is morally dissolute and full of contradictions. He wants to deal with the AIDS issue. Yet, during his rape trial, he boasted that although he slept with a woman who was HIV positive, he took a shower afterwards to protect himself. He wants to introduce free education. How? By nationalizing the mines. He wants to empower the poor by dealing with the challenges of land ownership and redistribution of wealth. He wants to deal with crime as well. He also says he will protect the interest of investors. He accuses Mbeki of being soft on Mugabe, but is there any guarantee that Zuma would do any of the things he says on the stumps? I do not share the optimism of those who think
that what is happening in South Africa is good for the future of the
country. Zuma's future government of gunslingers and rabid ideologues,
dancers and singers may win the votes and the mind game against Mbeki,
but the implications for the South African region could be dire. The
people who surround Zuma are busy singing "bring my machine gun", they
have little time to articulate coherent policies other than clichZ
A major pitfall in African politics has been the limited choice between the bully and the buffoon as political leader. The bully pushes everybody around and gets them to do his bidding. The buffoon can sing and dance and mix with the people and he gets whatever he wants by simply saying the right things. The middle ground for the philosopher king is disappearing if it has not already disappeared completely. The African leader exploits the people's timidity or their love of song, dance and festival. Jacob Zuma is one of such crowd-pleasers; he is riding to power on the back of a well-crafted burlesque. He and Thabo Mbeki and their supporters should love South Africa more....
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