14 Sep 2006 |
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A Bolekaja Presidency (2) By Reuben Abati WHEN last week, I wrote under the title above - "A Bolekaja Presidency", I received a number of e-mails in which the respondents accused me of exaggeration and misconception; I was accused of being too hard on the Presidency. However, events of the last week have proven me right. What we are faced with is not just a fight, but full-blown warfare. It is a war about ego, distrust, power and the zero-sum nature of Nigerian politics. Both the President and the Vice President are leaving no stone unturned in the attempt to undermine each other, cancel out each other, and teach each other bitter lessons. The relationship between both men is damaged beyond repairs. This tango will not end up on a winner-takes-all note; there will be many victims, and the Nigerian people may well be the main victims. It is a fight with many episodes, scenes, acts and actors. The unfolding drama is a box-office hit. Newspapers, reporting the interesting details are selling like hot-cake. I wouldn't be surprised if one of these days, someone in Nollywood prepares a movie out of this. But for now, a week after, I seek to act as referee, and attempt to explain how the gladiators are faring. When the war began last week, some respondents to this column, especially on the Internet, were quick to argue that this was democracy at work. They pontificated that it is not unusual in either a Presidential or Parliamentary system for a President/Prime Minister, and his Deputy to disagree with each other, and even fight publicly or maintain malice. Franklin Delano Roosevelt (32nd American President, 1933 -1945) and his deputy, John Garner (1933 -1941) merely tolerated each other. Richard Nixon and Spiro Agnew were not the best of friends. President Clinton and Vice President Al Gore had their own problems as well. In Britain, at the moment, Prime Minister Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, Chancellor of the Exchequer, have been accusing each other in a fashion that bears comparison with the OBJ vs. Atiku case. In Ghana, Jerry Rawlings once had cause to slap his Vice President in the course of a Federal Executive Council Meeting. In South Africa, President Thabo Mbeki has been identified as the unseen hand behind the travails of former Vice President Jacob Zuma. In Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir Mohammed got his Deputy Prime Minister, Anwar Ibrahim labelled a sex pervert and a traitor and convicted for corruption, and sent to jail. So many examples can be lifted from history and geography to justify why it is in the nature of men to disagree, and why power is a riddle with many sides to it, and how, in its presence, individuals may be compelled, unwittingly to express the baser aspects of their being. But one critical difference is that in the examples that the pragmatists are wont to cite, the power game is often about ideology, about differences in vision and approach, about a fight for the common destiny and how best to act as its custodian. In the present case in Nigeria, there is no high-ground in the OBJ-Atiku war. What seemed like a fight against corruption in the public interest has degenerated into a tell-it-all, you-wash-my-dirty-linen-in-public, I-wash-yours-too, you -Tarka-me-I-Daboh you, you-OBJ-me-I-Atiku-you kind of conflict. And the rhythm of the fight is at a feverish pitch, with higher notes being called forth in a responsorial-antiphonal manner. From the details of the last week, we have seen how the two top men in charge of Nigeria and their errand boys manage their own affairs and ours too. Decorum has been thrown to the winds. Junior persons have been sent on errands to call the Vice President a thief and a liar. The Vice-President's spokesman, Garba Shehu has returned the charge in innuendo-laden rebuttals in which the President is thoroughly maligned. The sensibility of the public is being assaulted. The gross misconduct that is going on in the Presidency is enough reason for Nigerians to ask that both the President and his Deputy be reminded that they are holding the entire country to ransom. The danger is that their feud poses a major threat to our democracy. It will be recalled that it was personal feud of this nature that brought the First Republic down, with a mutation of events that resulted in the civil war, and Nigeria's season of darkness (1967 - 70). The Second Republic also collapsed when the politicians could not resolve their differences. They ended up turning Nigeria into a House of War, and the soldiers intervened. The Third Republic also failed for a similar reason. The June 12 Presidential election was annulled because some highly placed persons at the time, including General Ibrahim Babangida did not want MKO Abiola as President. Now, this is the Fourth Republic and both President Obasanjo and Atiku are confirming the notion that Nigerian politicians do not learn from history, nor do they care enough about Nigeria. If the President and his Deputy cared enough about Nigeria, they would not place their personal conflicts above the nation's interest, as they now appear to be doing. By Thursday, September 7, the Atiku Campaign Organisation had established its basic premises in the unfolding war. They argued that Vice President Atiku was being witch-hunted because of the long-standing feud between him and the President. They drew attention to the fact that the President has not forgiven the Vice President for seeking to upstage him in the 2003 PDP primaries, for opposing the elongation of tenure agenda, and for seeking to become Nigeria's President in 2007. They argued that the Administrative Panel Report and the EFCC report which both indicted the Vice President are contrived mechanisms for getting the Vice President impeached. The Presidency fired back. It challenged the Vice President to respond to the charges of abuse of public funds. By Friday, the Obasanjo camp had made it clear that it was not interested in the impeachment of the Vice President. Pro-Obasanjo stakeholders in the feud pointed to Section 137 (1) of the Constitution which states matter-of-factly that once an office-seeker has been indicted by an administrative panel of enquiry, or a tribunal, he is ineligible for election into public office. In other words, the Obasanjo strategists had scored a bull's eye. President Obasanjo's plans to stop Atiku from succeeding him, an open secret by the way had been achieved. Observers, notably Chief Gani Fawehinmi, SAN, in a public statement declared Atiku guilty as charged; in addition, a candidate for impeachment and prosecution upon the expiration of his immunity, and a defeated Presidential aspirant. That was Round One - with the President's group as winner. Act One Scene 2: The Atiku Camp immediately went back to the drawing board. Delay for them could be dangerous. They needed to find a quick and sure response to the Obasanjo move. By Monday, the country was informed that Vice President Atiku had decided to go to court to challenge the composition of the Administrative Panel that indicted him. He also claimed that he was denied his right to fair hearing. At this point, the judiciary had been dragged into the matter. Atiku's lawyers, seven of them, all SAN want the Court to bar the government from acting on the Reports of both the EFCC and the Administrative Panel of Inquiry which in their view have no basis in law. The case is in court. What role then would the judiciary play? Would it allow itself to be used one way or the other? While the matter is being considered in the Court, even as far as the Supreme Court, would Atiku be in a position to run for President and thus circumvent Section 137 of the Constitution? In the OBJ-Atiku war, it is simply a case as they say of "cunning-man-die-cunning-man-bury-am". In the mean time, the Vice-President's spokespersons further accused the President of bad faith. They alleged that the President is merely deceiving Nigerians. They pointed to aspect of the EFCC investigation involving the President's aides which the EFCC and the Administrative Panel appear to have conveniently ignored. Again, Gani Fawehinm had a ready answer in this respect. In his 29-page commentary on the case, Chief Fawehinmi adopted a positivist approach focussing on the facts of the case. Except that this is not a strictly legal matter, but a case of political gladiatorship. This much became clear by Tuesday, September 12. Round Two: No winner, no vanquished. Act One Scene 3: By Tuesday, newspapers reported that Vice President Atiku had suspended his vacation. Well, it wouldn't have made sense (would it?) for him to travel abroad at a time when his future is at stake. He had to lead the war in which he is the protagonist. And so Garba Shehu, the Vice President's Media Consultant sought to prove in a detailed statement that their camp is not talking about other robbers, but about the President as an accomplice, indeed as the mastermind of whatever wrong-doing the EFCC may be complaining about. He declared that instructions for withdrawals from the Marine Float Account were issued jointly by President Obasanjo and the Vice President, and that Bodunde Adeyanju collected money on behalf of the President. He also alleged that the President collected money from the Plateau State Government. The revelations were now becoming juicy. The Presidency tried to offer a rebuttal through Akin Osuntokun who was the Director of Media for the Atiku/Obasanjo Campaign Organisation in 2003. But it seemed as if the Atiku group had gained an upper hand in the war. Act One Scene Four: By the following morning, Wednesday, September 13, the Presidency was smoking from all cylinders. Cheque withdrawals linking Atiku to withdrawals from the Marine Float Account flooded the newspapers. The cheque war had begun. The Presidency pointedly accused the Vice President of looting the Petroleum Technology Development Fund. It also offered a detailed account of its version of the President's involvement and interest in the case. Line by line, the President was portrayed as someone who was interested in probity and accountability. The legislature had also taken an interest in the matter. The House read the reports. The Senate chose to refer the reports to its Judiciary Committee and postponed deliberations for another two weeks. With the statement from the Presidency, released by Mrs Oyo, the Atiku camp was down on the score-board! Act One Scene Five: By yesterday morning, Thursday, September 14, Atiku and his strategists had risen again. They bombarded the public with details of how the President, his aides, girlfriends (!) and institutions in which he has interest benefited from the Marine Float Account, and the PTDF. They announced: "There are cheques with over N100 million issued to IBAD Nigeria Limited, a construction company solely owned by Obasanjo from Fasawe's MOFAS TIB accounts" They added: "the President drew over N3 bn...". It is easy to imagine that the Obasanjo camp is also busy working out its response to the latest attack from the Vice President. The Nation captured it all by declaring in its lead story: "What Obasanjo got from secret account, by Atiku" (September 14). The Punch highlighted the farcical dimension: "Atiku hits Obasanjo with cheque bomb". In the course of a week when planes could not fly, vehicles are grounded due to a strike by oil workers, the Presidency has been busy with a cat-fight. Not a word has been said about the strike; not an attempt has been made to address the people's interest. That the warfare in Aso Villa will be long and costly can be seen in the Presidency's announcement of new appointments. Garba Shehu, the Vice President's Media Consultant has been defending his boss with a crusading spirit. This should be a moment when the President misses Femi Fani-Kayode who would have matched Garba Shehu, expletive for expletive. But the President demonstrating that he understands the art of war, has re-deployed Akin Osuntokun, until recently Managing Director of the News Agency of Nigeria, and a veteran of press wars, as Special Adviser on Political Affairs. Uba Sani has also been appointed Special Assistant, Public Affairs. The timing of both appointments is instructive. There is also to all this, a spiritual dimension with a pro-Atiku group in Jigawa State declaring a three-day fasting period in support of the Vice President. This will end today with special prayers! Don't be surprised if some Christians also announce a three-day prayer vigil to protect the President against his enemies! Is this a measure how low we have sunk as a nation? The drama continues....
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