02 Dec 2005 |
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After what seemed like an initial silence on the details of the escape of the embattled Governor of Bayelsa State, DSP Alamieyeseigha from London, President Olusegun Obasanjo's first reaction came in form of a letter to the Prime Minister of Britain, Mr Tony Blair in which he pointedly accused the British of conspiracy. Dated November 23, 2005, the letter expressed disappointment that the British noted for their "thoroughness, efficiency and effectiveness" could allow a man standing trial in their courts, being held under conditional bail to escape. Obasanjo added that in view of the on-going global war against terrorism, it is unbelievable that the Governor could escape from London the way he did without any detection. Even the British Government did not know that Alami had escaped until the High Commission in Nigeria was so informed by the Nigerian government. He wrote: "Given the global war on terror and the reputation of the British security agencies for thoroughness, efficiency and effectiveness, not only does Nigeria need assurances on this matter, we also expect decisive action on this matter from the appropriate authority from the British end." The author of these words was obviously trying very hard to be polite, but the message was unmistakable: Nigeria in that letter was accusing Britain of irresponsibility, possible complicity and negligence. A few days later, President Obasanjo showed up at the Commonwealth Heads of Government summit in Malta and used that platform to urge all Commonwealth countries to join hands together in fighting corruption. Britain didn't need to be told that the message was meant specifically for it. It is important to review this development because it is a critical international dimension to the Alami saga, to the extent that the incident of the escape and arrest of the embattled Governor has drawn fresh attention to the nature and status of Anglo-Nigerian relations both in official quarters and in the public domain. It is remarkable that more than a week after President Obasanjo's letter to Blair, we have not been told if the Prime Minister has replied, and if he has what he said. Even the British High Commission here in Nigeria has been non-committal: it has so far made two statements: the early announcement that Britain had no hand in the Governor's escape and a statement in Abuja in which it was declared that "Africa's future rests rightly in Africa's hands...Africa has as much potential, creativity, passion and hope as any other continent and when that is set free, everything is possible". In Britain, the subject of the dramatic escape of the Governor of a state in a black country who was accused of money laundering, has not grabbed the headlines, it is treated by the British media as a non-issue. But if Britain sets much store by its relationship with Nigeria, it ought to offer a more detailed explanation, more so as it is now being revealed that the Governor was assisted by forces on the ground in London and elsewhere. Before putting pen to paper, and addressing Tony Blair directly, President Obasanjo may have had good information about the basis of his complaints. But he was in actual fact communicating a well-articulated position among Nigerians about the attitude of the British towards Nigeria and specifically its conduct in the Alami saga. Since the crisis began, a group of Nigerians have continued to insist that Britain had no business detaining a Governor of a state in Nigeria. This is a controversial position which many of us oppose on the grounds that Britain has every right to enforce its own laws and that if any Nigerian is caught in London, prince or servant, ruler or citizen, such a person must be answerable to the laws of England. To seek to protect such a person under a so-called immunity would amount to a cover up. This is also the position of the Federal Government of Nigeria, and to show its support for the British judicial system, Nigeria's Attorney General and Minister of Justice visited London to give evidence against Governor Alamieyeseigha, with the additional declaration that if the man was not properly monitored, he could run away from justice. And yet despite this warning, the British looked the other way as Alami perfected his escape plans. There are many Nigerians who are as convinced, as President Obasanjo appears to be, that the British must have aided Alami's escape, and that given the nature of Anglo-Nigerian relations, the British must have done so for opportunistic reasons. The average student of Anglo-Nigerian relations is convinced that the British have always acted against the larger interests of Nigeria. The relationship between both countries began as that of a "master-servant", "colony and colonizer", "developing country and the imperialist". Nigeria gained independence from Britain in 1960, but since then, the pervasive assumption among Nigerians is that Britain still considers Nigeria its "eternal colony" which it can exploit and manipulate. In 1961, Nigerian students opposed the Anglo-Nigerian Defence pact and ensured that it was aborted for precisely this reason. Britain is also accused of having pillaged Nigeria since the 18th century when the Royal Niger Company began business along the Nigerian coast, in 1914 the British imposed their will on the future of Nigeria, by joining the Northern and Southern protectorates, without any consultations with the people. The argument is still being strongly pushed that many of the problems that Nigeria faces today are on account of this; the British structured Nigeria to fail; by the time they were leaving in 1960, they had sown enough seeds of division that would keep the country permanently in turmoil. Recent disclosures by former British colonial officers have further corroborated this claim. The irony is that the ties between both countries have remained strong nonetheless. Britain is the second home for a majority of Nigerian families. A fraction of every penny that is made or stolen in Nigeria by Nigerians eventually finds its way to Britain either through tourism expenditure or the acquisition of property or education in Britain. Britain is also benefiting a lot from the Nigerian oil and gas industry. When Nigerian money is taken to England, the British do not complain. They open the doors of their banks to Nigerian big men; they sell exotic houses to the same persons. When there is trouble in Nigeria either in form of a coup, a political crisis or a war, the first choice for exile is usually Britain. When General Yakubu Gowon needed to run away from the Murtala Muhammed government that had removed him from power, he chose Britain. Umaru Dikko also hid himself away in Britain, and when a group, supported by the Buhari-Idiagbon government wanted to smuggle him back to Nigeria, the British stopped the "kidnappers" at the airport. Between 1993 and 1999, many Nigerian pro-democracy campaigners found a safe haven in Britain as well. In a sense therefore, the British government would seem to have compromised itself over the years in its relationship with Nigeria. It cannot therefore be expected to act straight in dealing with the country and its people. This conspiracy theory, strongly indicated in President Obasanjo's letter has been reduced by concerned Nigerians to one basic argument, namely that the British must have aided Alami's escape either by omission or commission, because whereas it is possible and easy to bear the legal burden of trying and jailing him, the political burden may be costly on the long run. Suppose the British authorities had been convinced that Alamieyeseigha is truly the Governor General of the Ijaw nation, a popular man of influence in the Niger Delta, and that if he were to be jailed in Britain, the Ijaw and their neighbours could turn against British interests in Nigeria' s oil-rich Niger Delta. With all the ethnic militias and restive youths operating in that region, and enjoying the support of the Governors, the British could be tempted to place their country's economic interest above the charge of money laundering in a matter from which Britain stood to benefit. Secondly, the British may also have suspected that President Obasanjo with his over-aching interest in the Alami case and the enthusiasm with which the Nigerian EFCC was providing negative information about the accused merely wanted to use Britain to do a dirty job for Nigeria. By allowing Alami to escape and by refusing to be drawn into any diplomatic wrangling about the details of his escape, Britain may have cleverly pushed Obasanjo's mess back into his backyard. Let him deal with corruption in his own country. But if this is the case, then where does that leave the British law on money laundering on its soil? The British government may not feel compelled to offer the Nigerian government any "assurances, or "decisive action" but it owes the Nigerian people an explanation. It must in particular find ways of disabusing the minds of the large number Nigerians who are genuinely concerned that Britain does not reciprocate the kind gestures of Nigerians enough. Nigerians know that they are linked to Britain forever by the simple fact of history and cultural experience. But they have always asked: how much value does Britain place on that relationship? It is true that Africans must take charge of their own destiny and make informed choices about their future. After all, in all circumstances, it is futile to lay the blame for a country's failure to address problems of values and morality in its society on the doorsteps of another country. If Nigerian governors and other leaders plunder the treasury, and violate the country's laws, it is the duty of Nigerians to rise and insist on the integrity of public institutions. If they need outside help, they can ask for it, but there is a limit to which they can depend on the charity of outsiders. It is even presumptuous to dictate to another country how it should manage its security and justice administration system. But in the end, a critical area of concern for the British should be the simple truth that all things considered, the strongest factors in foreign relations can be traced not to diplomatic exchanges between governments, but the hearts of ordinary people and their feelings.
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