17 Jun 2007 |
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Homeless In Abuja THE Federal Government in Abuja is confronted with a special problem: the majority of newly elected legislators in the National Assembly can be best classified as currently homeless in the Federal Capital. New political appointees by the Yar'Adua administration are also literally speaking, homeless. President Yar'Adua has to run a semblance of a government while still taking a close look at recommendations for the over 4, 000 government positions that he has to fill. But he is having to make do with a skeletal team of staff who come to work from hotels and guest houses, and whose immediate families are many miles away. It is easy to imagine the quality of attention that these dislocated and disorganised officials will pay to their work. One of the reasons the National Assembly gave for going on recess immediately after its inauguration was that its members had no accommodation in Abuja and had to go and look for houses. Accommodation is not only scarce in Abuja; it is very expensive. This is the excuse for the crazy housing allowance that has now been given to the lawmakers, and which has been roundly condemned as a drain on the national purse. {mosgoogle}Lawmakers are said to be busy hunting for houses in Abuja. Some of them are planning to squat with relations. Others are reportedly pulling resources together to rent a flat and share out the rooms like students in a dormitory. Over 400 lawmakers descending on the Federal Capital Territory, many of them coming to the city for the first time, and a larger number of political appointees also migrating to the territory would stretch available bedroom spaces in the city to the limits. Abuja is a small region. It is still developing. Governments in the past had foreseen the housing crisis that may emerge in the territory and hence, as part of preparations for the relocation of the Federal Government to Abuja and the transition to democratic rule, the Federal Government had built houses to accommodate its officials. This did not solve the housing crisis in Abuja, many civil servants resisted transfer to the new Federal Capital. Marriages were affected; relationships were impaired as couples soon found out that their partners had to hole up sometimes on the same bed, with male or female colleagues in order to find a bed space in Abuja. In the more celebrated cases, this led to truly unhappy outcomes. Due to this demand for housing, Abuja is perhaps one of the leading building construction sites in the country. Still demand outstrips supply by a wide margin. When the Obasanjo government came to power in 1999, it was naturally interested in government's assets in terms of the property in its possession. It then set up the General Oluwole Rotimi panel to take stock and to make appropriate recommendations to government. There was a link between this assignment and the government's anti-corruption campaign. For, it was alleged that the military governments had given out government houses to its officers. In some cases, soldiers simply took over their official residences or they seized government lands and converted them to personal use. The public was interested in the Rotimi panel and its investigations. And as expected, that panel came up with startling revelations about how government property had been stolen or misappropriated. Many of those houses were retrieved from those who had made away with them. The public cheered. It was the right thing to do at the time. Nigeria's military rulers had a reputation for corruption and impunity. But the position of the Obasanjo administration on public property soon turned out to be contradictory. On the question of the anti-corruption campaign, it reflected its duplicitous character. Mid-life, the government came up with what it called a monetisation policy. The objective of the policy was to help government save costs and to reduce areas of waste. Governments it was said was going to wash its hands off the provision and maintenance of official cars for its officers as well as provision of houses and the maintenance of same. Over the years, access to government facilities and privileges had become a gravy train. There were public officials who used up to ten cars at a time, all maintained at public expense. A typical chief executive or Minister or Director-General in a Federal Government position would have Guest Houses in every state capital, all maintained at by the public. Thus, maintenance of government property took a large chunk of public revenue: directors changed leaking roofs at huge cost (the roof never leaked in the first place); official cars had short life spans because those using them removed the parts or deliberately abused them; government picked up the bills for domestic servants who also collected their own allowances; whenever a senior official was leaving a government residence, he removed all the furniture, including plates, cutlery, pots and frying pans belonging to the Federal Government; others never returned the official cars in their custody; they stole them. And new ones had to be bought for the new man who also would naturally steal government property. Most of the Guest Houses in the care of senior men in government were occupied by their mistresses and relatives who ate free government food! It was that bad. In retrospect, what needed to be done was to introduce better controls to check the abuse. The theft of government property could also have been investigated and the culprits sent to jail. But the Obasanjo government opted for the radical option of "monetisation". This created serious problems. One, the government promised that money realised from the sale of government houses across the nation will be used to develop the social sector. At a time, it was announced that government had realised about N25 billion from the sales. But no transformation was seen in the social sector. You could say the money disappeared into thin air. Two, government promised that the sale of the houuses would be fair and transparent. There was much talk about "right to match" and "right of refusal" for occupiers of the buildings. Even this was mismanaged as evidenced by the messy handling of the sale of Eric Moore Towers, Bar Beach Towers, Ikoyi Towers, and 1,004 buildings in Lagos. There was no human face to the sale: in the case of the 1,0004 flats, the residents were forcefully evicted; they were woken up at 2 am by 300 gun-totting riot police men who threw out their things into the rains. One man was so dejected that he could be so treated, after serving the Federal Government for so many years; he committed suicide. Families were displaced and nobody cared. Court injunctions and orders, procured by aggrieved civil servants living in official quarters were ignored. It was also this sale of government houses that led to the ignominious sack of former Housing Minister, Mrs Mobolaji Osomo. She protested that she was innocent but nobody listened to her. She had to keep her peace, Hopefully, she will find the courage to tell her story in full, some other day. Was she carrying out somebody's orders and had to be sacrificed when certain things went awry? The most galling aspect of it all, was the manner in which the sale and purchase of the houses exposed the greedy nature of the Obasanjo team. In the end, the houses were given out to political appointees and "big men" and "big women" as political patronage. By the time the Obasanjo government left on May 29, 2007, virtually any rat who held an important title and stayed in an official residence had bought the same house for keeps. The lawmakers also bought their own official residence; Apo Village Quarters, the official residence of lawmakers is now effectively in private hands. All the houses around the Presidential Villa are in the hands of ex-this, ex-that, class of 1999- 2007. These are mostly women and women who served the country for no more than four years, six at most, and in the context of Nigerian history, these are mere birds of passage. This came from a government that purportedly waged war against corruption. What was this if not corruption? Under Obasanjo, the family heirloom was shared under the guise of monetisation and privatisation. The beneficiaries were mainly cronies and friends of the government. One explanation that was given, let us stay with the sale of houses, is that in developed countries, governments do not provide houses for their officials. But the objective conditions are different. The Obasanjo government had a copy-cat approach to governance which flew in the face of Nigerian reality. The lesson of it: policy must be informed by local realities. By selling government houses to its own officials, the Obasanjo government raised an integrity question. Should public officials buy government property? Should they use their positions to appropriate public property? How come there were so many multi-millionaires in the Obasanjo government who could buy choice properties? And many of these were persons who travelled to Abuja by night bus when they were initially elected or offered appointment! The homelessness of public officials that we now have in Abuja is the result of all these. Newly elected and appointed officials have no homes but persons whose tenure has ended are ensconsed in government houses as new owners. Is government going to build new houses so that the new class can also have something to go away with at the end of the day? Why should a set of public officials buy all the houses when so many would be appointed after them? Why did President Obasanjo cancel the theft of government houses by the military? In retrospect, did he do so in order to sell the same houses to members of his own government? That is what it all looks like? Does one act of corruption cancel out the other? For the records, the state governments refused to follow the Federal Government's example in the so-called sale of houses. They kept the state houses that they inherited and some of the states, Lagos and Ogun for example, took the Federal Government to court to resist the sale of Government Houses under their jurisdiction. Also for the records, Alhaji Mahmu Yayale Ahmed, Head of Service of the Federation refused to buy his own official residence. He was asked to pay N360 million, which he said he could not afford. He was a rare exception. Given the crisis that the Yar'Adua government now faces, it should revisit the sale of the people's houses by the Obasanjo government. First, the sale should be reversed on the grounds of public policy. Two, further sale of houses should be stopped forthwith. Three, a thorough audit of the sale should be carried: who bought what, at what price, how transparent was the bidding process? Who were the consultants? How much were they paid? Then, the information on all of this should be placed in the public domain. Nigerians would like to know who bought their houses and at what price and what those persons have done to deserve such unmerited favour. Then, of course there should a full-scale probe of the source(s) of the money that was used to buy those houses! This is an issue on which the Yar'Adua can take a prompt and clear decision. It is a pity that this government is already the victim of a self-made blackmail. In order not to be seen as antagonising former President Obasanjo, or accused of seeking popularity, the new government is treading too carefully on issues that require decisive action; fuel price increase, VAT, sale of government assets etc. If this becomes an official policy, then the Yar'Adua government will never be able to do anything. President Yar'Adua has every reason to remain grateful to former President Obasanjo who anointed him as his successor and delivered on his promise, but Yar'Adua must also realise that he has a country to govern. How former President Obasanjo feels about anything cannot and should not be an issue at all...
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