08 Jun 2007 |
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Ekiti, again? Whoever nursed the illusion that the inauguration ceremonies of May 29, and after, and the emergence across the Federation of new faces in Government House meant that Nigerians had completely put the problems of the April 2007 elections behind them, should visit Ekiti State. On his way, such a curious student of Nigerian politics should pick up a bullet-proof vest, and a few lessons in the art of how to avoid a machete swung in the direction of one's head by an angry political thug, and how to avoid political discussions in unsafe places. Ekiti is on the boil again. The state is drifting. The misconception, arrogantly mouthed by PDP apparatchiks that the heavens would not fall; and no volcanoes would erupt in spite of the manipulations of the April elections has been exposed as a lie. We are gradually being reminded that in Nigerian elections, the true test is in the post-election season; precisely in terms of how the victors and the losers manage their fears and differences. Ekiti, even this early in the day, exposes the dangers of promoting falsehood, and the limits of power exercised with brazen arrogance. The new administration in Ekiti state led by Governor Segun Oni of the Peoples Democratic Party has spent only 10 days in office, and in those 10 days, so much has happened. Between 2003 and 2006, Ekiti state under the leadership of then Governor Ayo Fayose stumbled from one crisis to the other, as opponents of the Governor swore to remove him from office, and the Governor and his own supporters threatened to put the opposition to shame. In the end, Fayose was impeached. A State of Emergency was declared in the State, and a Sole Administrator-General Tunji Olurin, was brought in to manage the state. The Fayose crisis, and the declaration of a state of emergency brought out the worst in Ekiti society, as the entire community became divided and gladiators on all sides sang different tunes. Politics in Ekiti state even became NGO-nised. But with Fayose's exit, it became clear that the problem with Ekiti state, was not necessarily Fayose, but deep-seated differences among the people which the Obasanjo government exploited for its own purposes. In four years, Ekiti state was governed for varying periods, by about five persons: Ayo Fayose, Friday Aderemi (one day?), Biodun Olujimi (one day?), Tunji Olurin, and Tope Ademiluyi. There were great expectations that the April polls would end that season of bad faith. The people of Ekiti whatever may have been their differences, admittedly forged a consensus in one respect: they wanted good governance. They had expressed faith in allowing the truth to triumph. They were concerned about their state becoming a battle-ground for selfish politicians. But the opportunity to lay a new foundation for the state was lost during the recent April elections. Local and foreign observers reported how thugs snatched ballot boxes, and security agents helped to supervise the rape of democracy, and the electoral process was mismanaged. It was not only in Ekiti state that rigging took place, but the flawed electoral process in that state merely further divided the people politically. The result: Segun Oni, PDP Gubernatorial candidate emerged as Governor and was sworn in on May 29. The House of Assembly, with 26 members is divided between the PDP (with 13 members) and the Action Congress (with 13 members). The defeated AC Gubernatorial candidate, Kayode Fayemi has since gone to the Election Tribunal, with a petition against Oni's election, he is also in the trenches with his supporters, waging a bitter propaganda war. Both parties are not yielding space to each other. The pity is that they are engaged in a "do-or-die" battle. Nigerian politicians are bad losers and bad winners even in a normal contest; when there are reports of foul play, it is the worst aspect of their Being that is called forth. One of the first things Governor Segun Oni should have done, in spite of the controversies arising from the elections that brought him to office, would have been to reach out to the opposition, to seek ways of promoting peace and reconciliation in the state. And if he had no way of doing this, the least he could have done is not to aggravate the already tense situation. But he did. He took his list of Commissioners and Chairmen of Local Council Caretaker Committees to the House of Assembly that was inherited from the short-lived, Ademiluyi administration that filled the gap between Olurin's departure and May 29. Such a step was in itself an act of provocation. Oni was sending a dangerous signal: that he does not trust the lawmakers who had been elected to work with him. The House of Assembly that he took his list of Commissioners and Caretaker Chairmen to was conveniently PDP-dominated. He cannot convince anyone that he was not by his action trying to avoid a close scrutiny of his nominees by a more bi-partisan legislature. This is being challenged in the Courts, but beyond law, it reeks of impropriety. Why the haste? The departing House of Assembly (the Action Congress insists that its tenure had in fact ended on June 2) equally acted in bad faith by purporting to review its "Standing Rules", Section 4(2), with a resolution that the party of the Governor must produce the Speaker and other principal officers of the House of Assembly. Nobody needs a soothsayer to know that the lawmakers acted entirely out of mischief. It was obvious enough that they wanted to prevent a situation where the next Speaker of the Ekiti House of Assembly would emerge from the ranks of the 13 elected AC legislators. Every Assembly makes its own rules within its life-span. To assume that a future House of Assembly would be bound by such a self-serving, winner-takes-it-all resolution as in the Ekiti case, is a prescription for confusion. That confusion came as expected. When the new House of Assembly was proclaimed on Tuesday, June 5, the 13 PDP legislators in the House, acting on the strength of the resolution by the past House of Assembly insisted on the Speaker emerging from their ranks. The 13 AC lawmakers opposed this, noting correctly, that Section 92 of the 1999 Constitution is superior to the "Standing Rules" of the legislative Assembly. Section 92: "There shall be a speaker and a Deputy Speaker of a House of Assembly who shall be elected by the members of the House from among themselves." The balance of terror that exists in the Ekitu House of Assembly with the ominous 13 vs. 13 distribution of members between two opposing parties could easily have been managed through dialogue and a demonstration of good faith. The lawmakers and their sponsors could have met to discuss, and agree on the administration of the House. That is the way of reasonable people who are interested in the common good. But in Ekiti, the air is so foul. The life of the present Ekiti House of Assembly began with a free-for-all fight, lawmakers removed their agbada and became pugilists, traditional rulers and the Governor fled. The following day, Wednesday, June 6, the 13 PDP lawmakers met without the 13 AC lawmakers, and they elected a Speaker. Mobile policemen provided security while this coup was executed; they helped to shut out the AC lawmakers. Was a quorum formed? The Deputy Clerk of the House was said to have answered in the affirmative. Section 96 of the 1999 Constitution says "the quorum of a House shall be one-third of all the members of the House". There were 13 members in the House and so a quorum (9 members out of 26) was indeed formed, But a quorum that was contrived to exclude the AC lawmakers? In response, the opposition is on its way to the courts to argue that the Ekiti House of Assembly has not even been properly inaugurated! The AC lawmakers are also suggesting the likely impeachment of Segun Oni. An outsider is bound to ask: What is wrong with them in Ekiti? I believe that nothing is wrong with the ordinary man in Ekiti whose interest is good governance, peace and stability. It is the politicians that a lot is wrong with. The mischievous PDP lawmakers in the old, and the new Ekiti House of Assembly are proving that they are good students of the Nigerian way of doing things. What they have done is not in any novel. We witnessed the same scenario between 2003 and 2007 in Anambra, Plateau, Ekiti and Oyo states where a group of lawmakers, backed by some superior authority, routinely violated due process. The Courts in Anambra, Oyo and Plateau states had upturned this resort to illegality, but obviously, the professional political class has not learnt its lessons. The logic among politicians, it seems, is that it is better to violate the law and let the Courts decide, but until then, the group with bigger muscles would have had its way. But such silliness is never in the people's interest. It is hard to see how in the next four years, any kind of real governance can take place in Ekiti state. All the likely scenarios point towards greater instability and confusion. One, the House of Assembly is already divided. Even if the 26 members all sit together, there is so much partisanship on both sides that every subject is likely to result in disaffection. The stakes may change however, if the PDP succeeds in buying some of the less determined Action Congress lawmakers. In Nigerian politics, a lawmaker can be bought. All he needs to do is to cross to the other side. Fayemi alleges that the Action Congress lawmakers have been offered N10 million each by the PDP but they rejected the bribe. Could it be that they did because the amount was not considered big enough? Can Fayemi guarantee that some of his men may not be tempted along the line? Two, so much hope is being placed on the outcome of the cases before the Election Petition Tribunal. Kayode Fayemi and his supporters continue to insist that victory would be theirs at the Tribunal. They boast: "the days of the PDP government are numbered". Should that happen, the PDP in the state, and the House of Assembly may make it difficult for Fayemi to govern. The PDP is also hoping to grab more seats in the House of Assembly through the Election Petitions Tribunal. Three, should Oni win, and remain in office, he would be hounded throughout on every count, by an aggrieved Action Congress opposition, which seems to be putting everything into the fight. I had written when the Fayose problem began that Governor Niyi Adebayo, his predecessor in office would be having a good laugh wherever he was. Now, with the present crisis, it is not only Adebayo that would be chuckling, Fayose too. But let no one chuckle or cackle. The situation in Ekiti is dire. The politicians in that state are asking for another state of emergency. It is so sad that they are all young people, mostly well-educated, but unable to provide the difference that the people of Ekiti seek.
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