A tough moment for the media
By Reuben Abati

THIS is a tough moment for the mass media in Nigeria. In recent times, there have been reports of political violence ahead of the 2007 elections. Politicians and their associates have been killed in different parts of the country with the most recent incidents recorded in Lagos and Ekiti states involving the murder of Engr Funsho Williams (Lagos) and Dr Ayo Daramola (Ekiti). In Ekiti, the Governor and his Deputy are fighting the battle of their lives with the state House of Assembly threatening to impeach the duo and effect a new order in that state. In Abuja, the fight between the President and his Deputy remains messy. State Governors are jittery because the EFCC has promised to send many of them to jail. The same men that the media used to project as role models have suddenly become suspects in the eyes of the public. There is the clear and present threat of more blood-bath in the air.

The international community is worried that Nigeria could implode because the country is drifting. In 2007, the country is supposed to hold elections, the first major civilian to civilian transition in a long while. But that future is uncertain. Journalists, as critics, and monitors of this process, are now having sleepless nights. They have every reason to be concerned about this re-opening of old patterns, this return to the culture of old politics, this confirmation, on many fronts, of the failure of the Nigerian state. The dislocations in the socio-political environment directly affect journalists, but more importantly, journalists could also become victims in the context of a politics of acrimony.

For example, it should not be surprising that in the conflict between President Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku, an attempt was made to accuse journalists of partisanship. It was said that the Vice President's aide had bribed journalists! These days, the public relies on the media for direction and analysis. Just as Nigeria is at the threshold of history, another historic moment has arrived for the media. Those who accuse journalists of partisanship often betray their own intolerance, and lack of understanding. But it is a pitfall that the media must watch out against, as the country gets more divided into camps of opinion.

The media has always been involved in the politics of Nigeria and often at great cost. It has always defended the people and championed their aspirations. But it can also be manipulated to serve interests that can prove counter-productive. The radio, for instance, began as a Colonial Rediffusion Service, with broadcast materials from England, which were meant to condition the mind of the "natives" positively towards the Empire and the Queen. The newspapers that were published between 1880 and 1937 were divided between those that supported colonialism and those that wanted independence. From 1937 onwards with the emergence of Zik's The West African Pilot, and the Zik group of newspapers, politics became the main fare of the Nigerian press. Newspapers became affiliated to the political parties of the time. The Egbe Omo Oduduwa played its politics on the pages of the Daily Service and the Nigerian Tribune. Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo was the organ of the Northern People's Congress. The West African Pilot served the NCNC; however, Dr. Azikiwe had cause to disclose in My Odyssey that the eventual failure of The West African Pilot and other newspapers in the Zik group, could be traced to the partisanship of his editors which resulting in legal and ideological conflicts with the opposition, grave losses in the law courts and the eventual collapse of the Zik media empire.

In the early 60s, the Balewa government, in order to give the Federal Government a voice in the media also set up The Morning Post. In the years that followed, other levels of government, particularly the state governments also established both print and electronic media organs through which they sought to defend the political preferences of whoever was in power. By 1979, virtually every state government had its own media organs because it was by then fully recognised that the media could be used to influence the public and gain control. This manipulation of the media through ownership control contributed most negatively to the ethnic crisis in Nigeria, for the media ended up at various times playing ethnic politics.

To cite a specific example, in the electoral crises that overtook the country between 1959 and 1964, various media organs naturally capitulated to the limitation of ownership. In this sense, truth was filtered through the prism of the specific political interests which each media organ had been set up to serve. There was, for instance, a regular war of editorial comments between the West African Pilot and the Nigerian Tribune: if one newspaper took a stand on one issue, the other responded by defending the interests of its proprietor(s). It was in the context of this established pattern of divisive media politics that the New Nigerian was established; owned 100 per cent by the Federal Government, its successive managers soon turned it into a newspaper whose chief interest is to "defend Islam and the North".

The point to be taken from this is that the media can be both a pathfinder and a victim in the process of monitoring the power-negotiation process. The point had been made variously, that the media shares part of the blame for the failure of Nigeria's First, Second and Third Republics. The reference to the Second Republic should be underlined. Dare Babarinsa, in a book entitled House of War in which he examines the politics and failure of the Second Republic, offers a telling and disturbing picture of how the mass media can become a divisive factor in electoral politics. Babarinsa, then a correspondent of the National Concord in Ondo State between 1979 and 1983, reports that in the course of the violence that followed the 1983 Gubernatorial elections between Akin Omoboriowo and Chief Adekunle Ajasin, the two radio stations in the state capital, the Ondo State Broadcasting Corporation (OSBC) and the FRCN, Akure, openly stood on opposing sides of the political divide and disseminated inflammatory broadcast material.

The OSBC was Governor Ajasin's chief supporter, it refused to accept the verdict that the elderly Governor had lost the Gubernatorial election and was to be replaced by his former Deputy, Akin Omoboriowo who had defected from the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) to the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The station played Bob Marley's song, urging the people to "stand up and fight for their rights." At a point, it started announcing that Omoboriowo was fleeing to Lagos, and that the people should defend their votes, go out onto the streets of Ondo state and stop him. In retaliation, the government-owned Radio Nigeria Akure, played pro-Omoboriowo songs, reminding the people that the NPN had won, and there was nothing anyone could do about this. Babarinsa's report is descriptive and representative of the general pattern throughout the Second Republic, indicating how the media was sucked into the vortex of political competition.

The government-owned Nigerian Television Authority with nationwide branches was particularly notorious. Newscasters were openly sycophantic. State Governors whose states had no television or radio stations prior to their assumption of office, immediately set up their own stations. In the print media, government-controlled organs, notably the Daily Times and the New Nigerian became mouthpieces of the ruling NPN: editors and managers who tried to insist on ethics and professionalism were quickly reassigned, retired or fired. The Tribune served Chief Obafemi Awolowo's Unity Party of Nigeria. The Concord Press owned by the late Chief M.K.O. Abiola was set up originally to promote the interests of the NPN and check the overriding influence of The Tribune and the Sketch newspapers. One of the early stories published in The National Concord was about an alleged Maroko land deal involving Chief Obafemi Awolowo. When, as it happened, Chief M.K.O. Abiola parted ways with the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), the politics of the Concord Press was adjusted to match the proprietor's new preferences.

Four deductions can be made from all these: first, that the fortunes of the Nigerian media have been determined by the politics of its environment, almost to the same extent it has helped to raise the level of critical and popular consciousness in the Nigerian society. Second, that a mismanagement of media power and responsibility, at a critical moment in history, can deepen the country's fault lines and present the media as an accomplice in the politics of destabilisation. Third, managing the media and its complexities is a major challenge for public policy, for in a pluralistic, multi-cultural and underdeveloped society such as Nigeria, the potential for the abuse of media influence is as high as its potentials for national growth and development. Four, a proper accent must be placed on the imperative of responsible journalism. In the end, also, Nigerian journalists must refuse to be intimidated. The agents of destabilisation, both external and internal operators, will adopt all methods including blackmail and name-calling, but now is the time for journalists, as civil society agents to stand firm in defence of the rights of the Nigerian people. Elections are great events in the lives of Nigerians; it is so for different reasons depending on religion, ethnicity, personal and group ambitions and geography.

Since the first legislative elections in Nigeria in 1922, the mass media has always taken a keen interest, and played a key role in the politics of the Nigerian state. The days ahead will be tough and demanding. And we must be ready. The first major challenge that the media may have to deal with is its relationship with government and the state. Government officials often tend to regard the media as a threat to national security. In the emergent power equations and in the face of the gross violation of the national interest by successive governments, the media is drawn into a competition for power. Suppressing, gagging and intimidating the media and the rest of civil society has proven to be a necessary condition for the achievement of this agenda. Restrictive laws and anti-media mechanisms have proven to be most convenient, the general purpose of which has been direct assault on press freedom. Journalists are routinely accused of promoting instability through "sensational reporting." Only the other day, the present Inspector-General of Police threatened to "deal with" any journalist who reports any falsehood about the police. The official use of national interest as shield, and as justification for sustained attacks on the media is however suspect for indeed the 1999 Constitution in Section 22 spells out what constitutes "national interest" by granting the media a watchdog role over all other estates of the realm. When government officials refer to the media as a threat to national security, they may be drawing attention to the need for responsible journalism, but even more so, their own fears and insecurity.

In real terms, the implication of this power politics is that the media could particularly during moments of socio-political transition, find itself in a vulnerable situation. There are persons who could be tempted to "deal with" journalists. There are fault-finders in search of proofs of partisanship and professional misconduct. But the truth must be our shield. Now is the time for re-dedication on behalf of the Nigerian people...The struggle has just begun...let the agents of destabilisation beware of their own shadows...

Robot  # 1 | 06.10.2006 07:02

In real terms, the implication of this power politics is that the media could particularly during...Read the full article.

lumidii  # 2 | 06.10.2006 07:38

Press freedom is one of the essential ingredients of democracy, without which we shall continue to wallow in this parlous state. Information is power, and its deployment would to some extent determine the success or failure of our nascent democracy! May our leaders learn from history!

MrOneNaija  # 3 | 06.10.2006 08:46

Abati wrote, inter alia: But the truth must be our shield. Now is the time for re-dedication on behalf of the Nigerian people...The struggle has just begun...let the agents of destabilisation beware of their own shadows... Well said! Except that this injunction on the part of Reuben Abati seems to be tardy partly on account of the disappointing role much of what is now referred to as the Kabiyesi media played in its studied refusal to vigorously indict the murderous and corrupt regime of the despot called Obasanjo, especially up to 2003. The Lagos-axis of the national press in particular tended to act as impressionable cheerleaders of the Aremu tyranny. Here is my take on the phenomenon in an earlier commentary entitled "The Sad and Pathetic End of Obasanjo". The article can be accessed on Nigeria Villagesquare. But first, Nigerians should remind themselves that one critical factor of the full-blown dictatorship Nigerians are living under today is the role of the Nigerian media and especially that of the so-called Kabiyesi press in Lagos. As early as 1999 when it was obvious to much of Nigeria that Obasanjo had no interest in seeing genuine democracy take root in our country, not to mention his numerous crimes against fellow Nigerians, prominent actors of the Lagos axis of the national press chose to behave as if they were imbued with a moral duty to defend the regime of Obasanjo against imaginary undemocratic forces. They were joined in this unbecoming role by leaders of so-called pro-democracy outfits like the NLC leader. Nigerians still remember vividly how Oshiomhole of the NLC and several newspaper columnists resorted to intimidation and blackmail tactics in order to silence those calling for public protest against the 2003 electoral brigandage called 419. Prior to 2003, leading voices in the media even went as far as mentioning what a prominent columnist with the Guardian (Lagos) called the « religious rationalization at the heart of the Obasanjo presidency »! By that, it was meant that Christian values formed the basis of Obasanjo’s political conduct! Of course, the uncritical, knee-jerk support offered the Obasanjo regime by the media and some sections of the human rights and pro-democracy establishment up to 2003 in particular did contribute in no small measure in providing a dubious legitimacy to a rogue regime that had already shown that it deserved only derision and disdain from citizens. Even nowadays, some media people continue to incredibly talk of giving «the benefit of doubt » to the Abuja dictator as far as his policies and political conduct are concerned. These days, some self-proclaimed pro-democracy cum human rights activists like Beko Kuti would seem to have discarded their duplicitous masks in favour of open support for the dictator as can be attested by Kuti’s suspected pro-regime infiltration of PRONACO. So, human rights and pro-democracy activists as well as national media practitioners cannot in good conscience exonerate themselves regarding the current mess in the land. It is simply not enough for our media men and women to express anguish or dismay regarding the apparent emasculation of Nigeria’s political class in the face of the danger called Obasanjo. Individually and collectively, the national media and other strategic sections of the Nigerian society should seek to atone for their respective roles in the sustenance of the current murderous dictatorship with pretensions to leadership.What this means is that Nigerians must shed their indecision and clannish mindset in favour of a more robust and concerted approach in dealing with a blood-thirsty despot. They must be prepared to return fire for through the use of democratic and popular means. They should borrow a leaf from the actions of those genuine pro-democracy activists who not long ago, did fight another despot, Abacha, to a standstill. Obasanjo and his horde of hangers-on must be made to understand that they do not own Nigeria and that the choice of the next president, like that of other elected representatives, is for Nigerians to make in a transparent and democratic fashion and as such cannot be the prerogative of a backward cabal represented by Kabiyesi and his predatory gang. Faced with a Bokassa-like tin-god, the nation’s democratic forces must discard their penchant for sectarian involvement and suggestion. Obasanjo has sought so far to use ethno-religious differences within the Nigerian society in order to maintain his ghastly grip on the nation. The abiding lesson of history that should guide Nigerians as they come out in a concerted effort to once and for all confront Obasanjo and his backers – alien or local - and take back their country is that ultimately, what matters most is that no dictator be allowed to hold the nation to ransom without a purposeful challenge. Abacha’s sad and pathetic end is living proof of that. Aonduna Tondu. One should also read another interesting piece in Thisday - available on the Internet - bearing the title "Kabiyesi Press Versus Democracy". And in assessing the media and its putative impact on the Nigerian polity, the Internet dimension cannot be left out. I'm thinking here of the invaluable contributions of Nigeria-related websites like Nigeria Villagesquare and Gamji.com in particular.

Tony  # 4 | 07.10.2006 01:13

Mr Reuben Abati: I regret to say, you are the number 1 culprit who has used the press to pursue your sectional and tribal agenda. It does not make any sense writing about a topic, for which you are a number 1 champion. There is of course enough evidence to prove that. Most of your articles notably "Obasanjo, seccesion and the seccesionists" amongst others is a lasting evidence of your descent into raw, crude, unrefined, tribal and deeply sectional gutter journalism. No media house would have published such an article, or indeed most of your deeply sectional articles if they had been sent in by individual commentators. You exploit your position in the Guardian to push such obnoxious articles into the public space. There are so many journalists and commentators in the Nigerian press who are devoted to using their platform to struggle for the common good.These journalists have demonstrated their superiority to people like yourself, by largely avoiding things as petty as tribal sectionalism. Inspite of your education and exposure, you still think like someone who never left the jungle.Rather than spend your time campaigning against the many ills in our failing nation and indeed Africa,which has made us Africans the wretched of the earth, you go around looking for stereotypes, and generalizations to make about a whole group of people. Your hateful obssesion with the Igbo, is beyond comprehension. In one of your recent articles, you subtly declared your opposition to Igbo presidency, and claimed Nigerians have not forgiven the Igbo for the civil war. But the truth is sacred. The details of how the North originally planned to secede, and how Gowon initially announced there was no basis for Nigerian unity is widely available. Details of Gowon's suspension of the Ad.hoc constitutional conference that was trying to find solutions to the pressing problems, and the withdrawal from the Aburi accord that was collectively agreed in Ghana, on the advice of self serving permanent secretaries are also widely available. Furthermore it is no secret, as was even recently clarified by MD Yesuf, that the reason the 5 majors one of whom was Yoruba struck, was primarily because of the crisis in the western region which had been neglected by the North. At the time these young officers carried out this coup primarily to stop the carnage in the west, the Igbo East was peaceful, and Igbos were controlling dominant positions albeit by merit in all strata of national life. It is also no secret, that Ojukwu supported supported Brigadier Ogundipe a Yoruba for the presidency, before Ogundipe fled into exile. The coup did not serve any Igbo interests by any stretch of the imagination, as Igbos were already pre-eminent. It was clearly with the benefit of hindsight, a misguided patriotic move to save those they considered to be their Southern brothers, who turned out in the end to be treacherous self serving betrayers. If the Igbo had minded their own business, and ignored the carnage in the west, the story would have been different today.Journalists like yourself with your uncalled for obnoxious campaigns continue to remind the Igbo, of the mistake they made by wading into another man's affair. We the Igbo will continue to take the indignities, abuses and insults from you and your kind with humility. But we rest assured that oneday, the rejected stone shall become the conerstone.Even today the best perfomers in this administration from the erstwhile Ngozi-Iweala finance, Dora Akunyili Nafdac, Charles Soludo CBN, Oby ezekwesili erstwhile solid minerals etc are Igbos. Sadly there is no single Yoruba linked to perfomance in the recent past. Today the continuing rot in Nigeria, has vindicated the likes of Ojukwu. Me and you as blackfolk have no respect in the wider world, because of the failings in our society, made more so by people like you, who preach hatred instead of love.Untill Africans break the yoke of self hate and learn to love themselves, we shall continue to collectively be the wretched of the earth. IN CONCLUSION: You have never advocated reconcilliation, neither have you ever advocated love in all your articles. Rather you have been praise singing the North, who singlehandedly brought Nigeria to her knees.This sufficiently reveals your character as a man who lacks values or morals. The only reason why you praise the North, is because you have identified the North as a power base in Nigeria, and as is characteristic of house slaves is seeking your own crumbs from their table. May God save your immoral soul!