| A Bolekaja Presidency (7) |
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| Written by Reuben Abati | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Friday, 09 February 2007 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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A Bolekaja Presidency (7) The Bolekaja series
IT is now a matter of public record, (history too) that after the threats, grand-standing, hollow chest-beating, expression of fear on all sides, Vice President Atiku Abubakar who had travelled to the United States shortly after his defection to the Action Congress, returned to Nigeria, on January 21 to Aso Rock and to his unfinished quarrel with President Olusegun Obasanjo. Atiku's return had the trappings of a melodrama. Obasanjo's strategists, and henchmen gave the man strict conditions. He must not hold a political rally, and not more than 20 people (staff and family) could receive him at the airport. Both the President, and the PDP did not want Atiku to turn his return into a political statement. They didn't want him to use it as a platform for the advertisement of his popularity. But that was precisely what the embattled Vice President did. His associates who were closely monitored by security agents, had organised a befitting reception for him. The same Presidency which withdrew Atiku's aides, official vehicles and privileges sent vehicles to the airport to receive him. Atiku refused to use those official vehicles. He hopped into his personal car - a Jeep, - and staged his own drama as he was driven out of the airport in a convoy of about 500 vehicles (!). The Presidency had promised that Atiku would not be arrested on his return. And truly, he wasn't. But there were court cases waiting for him, and a well-knit web of intrigue targeted at his person and his political ambition. Since his return, his lawyers have been in and out of courts. Keeping Atiku in the courts looks like a good strategy: to wear him out, waste his time and funds, and thereby weaken his resolve. Initially, the Federal High Court had dismissed the charges of corruption levelled against Atiku at the Code of Conduct Tribunal. The Federal Government appealed against this ruling immediately. The matter is still before the Court of Appeal. There is also a case in an Abuja Federal High initiated by Atiku and the AC to stop the INEC from conducting the verification exercise for candidates seeking positions through the April elections. Atiku's lawyers are seeking a determination of the matter, the Presidency's lawyers are insisting that the matter has been overtaken by events. There are at least two other cases in court on the question of whether or not Alhaji Atiku Abubakar can remain as Vice President while flying the flag of an opposition party. It is common knowledge that Vice President Atiku no longer enjoys access to state funds. He has been shut out completely. While the Presidency fights him, using state resources, he is stretched thin, paying lawyers, defending his integrity. Increasingly, Vice President Atiku keeps discovering that in his fight with the President, he is required to put everything at his disposal at stake. When the cost of this quarrel is eventually calculated in terms of Naira and Kobo, Atiku may discover that he has lost a lot more, than the other party. I would be surprised if he has been able to sleep soundly since his return. The Obasanjo camp was clearly ready for a long drawn-out fight. On the question of his defection to the Action Congress, the President wrote a letter to the National Assembly reporting the Vice President. A group of Senators led by Senator Uche Chukwumerije has had cause to warn that the Presidency is planning to use the National Assembly to remove the Vice President. In this matter, the National Assembly which had also been investigating the President, and the Vice President, over allegations of mismanagement of the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) appeared confused initially. But it has now found its voice, declaiming categorically that Atiku remains the Vice President. But the legislature is not the only public institution that has been dragged into the combat. Before Atiku's return, there were protests from the Action Congress, and the Turaki Vanguard, that the Presidency was planning to use INEC to disqualify the Vice President. INEC has since denied this. But nobody is convinced. The Atiku camp had in fact alleged that the verification exercise conducted by INEC, in contravention of the Electoral Act, was conceived to stop the Vice President. Atiku still submitted himself for the verification exercise, but he made sure that he presented to INEC a counter-petition against the PDP and the President. INEC is obviously in a dilemma. In the midst of all these, there has been much trading of abuse, with the Atiku - Obasanjo feud getting messier by the day. In its editorial opinion of February 6, 2007, NewAge newspaper says it is getting "nastier and nastier". According to the newspaper, the feud "sets a bad example all down the line. It is bad for the business of governance and is God-send to mischief - makers who thrive in such conditions to stoke the fires of animosity for private profit. It is a bad example to our politicians at lower levels." That the feud is nasty is not in doubt. The President and the Vice President as well as their associates now trade abuses without any reservations. In Osogbo, the President declared that the Action Congress is an "Alliance for Corruption." The AC immediately retorted labelling the PDP "the bastion of graft." PDP chieftains ever-ready with mischief also got into the fight. The Deputy National Chairman of the PDP, Chief Bode George, commenting on the Vice President, is on record as saying: "It is indecent, lack of depth of morality, vain, uncivilised to want to remain Vice President in PDP government and run presidential race on the platform of another party. Atiku needs to tell Nigerians what he is still doing in PDP..." Ojo Maduekwe, National Secretary of the PDP has also said that Atiku should resign. But on the question of resignation, Atiku is at best, ignoring his former colleagues. He puts down the PDP and the President at every turn. Three main events in recent times point to how nasty the feud has become. About a fortnight ago, the Vice President announced that the Federal Government has bought arms worth N422 billion to repress the agitation in the Niger Delta. Both the Vice President and his Turaki Vanguard noted that the people of the Niger Delta are asking for development, not war. The following day, the Presidency disclosed that Atiku has a pact with a mole in the military with whom he is planning to destabilise the country. Atiku screamed that he was being set up as a coup plotter. But the entire country was alarmed - Obasanjo and Atiku were beginning to play politics with the country's stability. What if the militants in the Niger Delta on account of Atiku's disclosure became more belligerent? The second dramatic incident was the arrival in Nigeria of 12 American journalists who came to interview President Obasanjo and other stakeholders. In his interview with the Americans, the President did his best to portray his Vice President as an irresponsible person. Somehow, the journalists also interviewed Atiku who replied the President, point-for-point. It was a damaging experience for the nation. Is it likely that Nigerian journalists can walk into the United States and have a similar encounter with the American President and his Vice? But in this instance, our two leaders in Aso Rock "vomitted" in the presence of foreign journalists. Atiku later addressed Nigerian journalists at a forum where he again disowned the PDP and the Obasanjo government. Thirdly, Atiku continued with this offensive on Saturday February 4 when he flagged off his Presidential campaign at a rally in Kano. This event was so well-attended and so anti-PDP that the Obasanjo camp had to summon a special meeting to review the chances of the PDP in the North. The AC Kano rally was perhaps the Scorpion's sting that the PDP needed to jumpstart it. Vice President Atiku got a feedback in extra-ordinary packages. I note with special interest, the disclosure that no provision is made for the Vice President's office in the 2007 Budget. Whereas the President's aides are taken care of, the National Assembly has observed that there is no reference whatsoever to the Vice President. The Turaki's close associates have also been in the eye of the storm. Ask Governor Boni Haruna of Adamawa State. Boni Haruna is Atiku's man. He was once editor of The Week magazine owned by the Vice President. He is Governor of the Vice President's home-state, and his Deputy before he was chosen as Vice President to Obasanjo. Now, the State House of Assembly has served him a notice of impeachment. What he has done to merit this "garrison assault" on his office is not so clear. What is known is that as in the examples of Plateau, Ekiti; and Bayelsa before now, the EFCC swooped down on the state legislators. The Speaker, Abubakar Abdullahi and four other principal officers were arrested by the EFCC. The aftermath is the impeachment move against Haruna who is conveniently out of the country - for medical check-up we are told. With the present alignment of forces, it is not only Govenor Boni Haruna that may find one reason or the other to go abroad before May 2007. The Obasanjo Presidency is piling pressure on any one who has ever been seen near the Vice President, or who expresses any opinion in his favour, or who shows any sign of being a strong threat at any level to the PDP or the President's chosen candidates, in the coming elections. The Presidency is claiming innocence. But there are interesting developments. Saminu Turaki, the Governor of Jigawa State has allegedly embarked on a long, terminal leave. One report indicated that he may not return to the country until after the elections! In Lagos, Governor Bola Tinubu of Lagos has withdrawn from the Senatorial race in the Lagos West District. This week, the EFCC released a long list of those it described as "indicted" and "corrupt" public officials. It contains 135 names including from PDP (52), ANPP (35), AC (28), PPA (10), DPP (4) and AD (1). The Vice President's name is the first on the list. The EFCC says the list is merely advisory but no one is fooled. The general impression is that the EFCC is again being used to malign those who are not in the President's good books, including Lanre Tejuoso, son of the Osile of Oke-Ona, who is so bold, he is running for the same Senatorial seat that the President's daughter wants. Three weeks ago, he was assaulted by unknown would-be assassins. There have been complaints about selective harrassment and political persecution. No one is in any doubt about this. Atiku has threatened to take the EFCC to court. Mrs. Titi Abubakar has also joined the fight - she says her husband is not corrupt! The AC has dismissed the list as nonsensical. The Federal Government has set up a panel of inquiry. President Obasanjo may appear to be gaining an upper hand in this end-game between him and Atiku, but as the community of victims grows, it is difficult to assume that what is happening will end up quietly, like smoke dissolving into the air. Activist-lawyer Femi Falana has been urging the Vice President to reveal more secrets. Senator Uche Chukwumerije, Dr. Lateef Adegbite and Balarabe Musa called for an end to this "show of shame". Former Provost Marshall of the Nigeria Army, Brigadier-General Don Idada Ikponwen says the quarrel between Obasanjo and Atiku poses "a threat to national security". I share his view and I shudder: especially in the light of the following threat which has been issued by the Action Congress: "If President Obasanjo succeeds in coercing INEC to disqualify Alhaji Abubakar, the unfolding scenerio will result in consequences that will be too grave to contemplate, and the end result of which no one can predict". Who will save Nigeria from these men?
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Posted by Robot| 09.02.2007 07:12