Bamidele Johnson

Aside from criticizing the policies of his administration, nothing incenses President Olusegun Obasanjo like being compared with the late General Sani Abacha.

Abacha, a military head of state, presided over a regime with a squalid human rights record. Under him, critics and opponents of his self-succession plot were killed, maimed, jailed, detained or harassed into submission and exile. Those who have likened Obasanjo to Abacha have attracted the President’s anger, delivered savagely by the feisty Femi Fani-Kayode, Obasanjo’s Special Assistant on Public Communication.

Fani-Kayode is always quick to describe such comparison as “uncharitable,” while lampooning those who have made them. In defense of his boss, he argued that the  critical media, critics and political opponents of the President have not  disappeared mysteriously as they did under Abacha. Evidently.

While Obasanjo has not matched Abacha in ruthlessness, there are bold hints that he has almost digested the deceased Infantry General’s manual of repressive tactics.

Last Wednesday in Abuja, a contingent of policemen and officials of the State Security Service (SSS), led by Colonel Kayode Are, SSS Director-General and Lawrence Alobi, Federal Capital Territory Police Commissioner, disrupted a meeting of political leaders opposed to Obasanjo’s third term bid.

Operating under the umbrella of Movement 2007, the political leaders arrived at the Ladi Kwali Hall of the Abuja Sheraton Hotels, hoping to go ahead with their meeting. In attendance were Obasanjo’s deputy, Atiku Abubakar; Muhammadu Buhari,  former head of state; Governors Bola Tinubu  (Lagos), Orji Kalu  (Abia), Boni  Haruna (Adamawa) and Abdulkadir Kure of Niger. Also present were former Governors Segun Osoba (Ogun), Niyi Adebayo (Ekiti) and Lawal Kaita (Kaduna), 45 Senators and 150 members of the House of Representatives among others.

As they made to enter the venue, they were halted by the security men, citing instructions from above.

Buhari appealed to them, but to no avail. Francis Amadiegwu, a member of the House of Representatives and Movement 2007, attempted to force his way into the hall.  The securitymen moved in on him and beat him silly. He is currently receiving treatment for spinal cord injuries at the National Hospital, Abuja.

 Alobi, the FCT Police Commissioner, later told journalists that the meeting was disrupted because the politicians failed to obtain permission to hold the meeting in a public place, at least 42 hours in advance.

Dr. Usman Bugaje, one of the conveners of the meeting responded angrily, arguing that Nigerians have a right to free association as guaranteed by the constitution.  He described the action of the security men as “very irresponsible and the height of executive tyranny.”

Shut out of the hotel, the group moved to the Niger State Governor’s Lodge in Abuja.

The meeting yielded the most eloquent evidence of the fissure within the presidency.

 Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, whose presidential ambition is severely threatened by Obasanjo’s self-succession plot, delivered his fiercest body blow since his feud with the President began. In clear terms, Abubakar, who declared his presidential ambition last Thursday in Abuja, told the gathering that Obasanjo is interested in extending his tenure. This, he said, made the President to hijack the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). “On the 25th of August last year, when I granted an interview to ThisDay newspapers, I revealed clearly this agenda and my total opposition to it. That was when I was branded a disloyal Vice-President … At the Yar’Adua Centre, I raised an alarm that the PDP was about to be hijacked so that a particular agenda (third term) could be achieved. I have been proved right. Hasn’t the PDP been hijacked? Was there any election at all levels of the PDP?” Abubakar queried.

Abubakar’s verbal blows landed the President’s camp on the ropes. Through Fani-Kayode, the Obasanjo camp attempted to fight back. The presidential aide said Obasanjo cannot continue to harbor Abubakar, given his apparent disloyalty and urged him to resign. “The President cannot be comfortable with somebody on his  right hand or beside or directly behind as his number two, who is criticizing him  and attempting to stick a dagger in his back; attempting to undermine him and  attempting to organise opposition forces to subject him to ridicule. No president expects such thing from his vice,” Fani-Kayode fumed.

Though he admitted that Abubakar is free to criticize, Fani-Kayode suggested that he should do that outside of the presidency rather than from the inside. “...We  think it is a little bit unfair, to say the least, and that is why we believe that  he should do the honorable thing, resign and criticize from the outside as much as  he wants,” he added.

Abubakar’s men wasted no time in firing a rispote. A statement signed by Garba Shehu, Abubakar’s Media Consultant, said the VP will not resign because he spoke in his personal capacity as a Nigerian and not as a representative of the PDP and the Presidency. Garba urged the public to ignore Fani-Kayode’s comments and that if anyone needs to resign, it is the President.

“Indeed, the call for resignation should be directed at the President and others who are pursuing an agenda that is subversive to the constitution and the will of majority of Nigerians,” the statement read.

While the recent exchange may have signaled the final parting of ways between the President and his deputy, it is also likely to raise the level of repression against the VP and all elements opposed to the third term scheme.

And the hints are unmissable. Last Monday, former Minister of State for Health, Ms.  Olufunke Adedoyin and seven others were arraigned before the Federal High Court, Abuja, for running Turaki Vanguard, one of the organizations pushing Abubakar’s presidential ambition. The former minister and others were charged with belonging to an illegal group and casting aspersions on the Federal Government. Arraigned  with Adedoyin were former Aide-de-camp to the Vice President, Abdul Shuayau Yari;  Alhaji Lawal Abba, Alhaji Nasir Galla, Alhaji Abdullahi Sule, Alhaji Musa Garba,  Kofo Odugbesan and Wing Commander Isa Mohammed (retd). However, the hearing could not hold because Mohammed, one of the accused, was absent.

The charges said: “That on or about 7th day of December 2003, in Abuja the  suspects agreed among themselves to form and manage an unlawful society known as  Turaki Vanguard and some acts done in pursuance of an agreement and thereby  committed an offence punishable under Section 97 of the Penal Code.

(ii) “That the accused took membership of the unlawful society, the  good  government of Nigeria and thereby committed an offence under Section 97(b)  of the  Penal Code” and (iii) “That you, Abdul Yari Shuayau Lawal Abba, Nasir Galla,  Abdullahi Sule, Musa Garba, Kofo Odugbesan, Funke Adedoyin, Isa Mohammed, on the  10th day of October 2005, granted an interview to a local news magazine called News  World of 10th October 2005, in which you described the current federal government  administration as ‘corrupt’ which expression is expected to cause disaffection to  the present government of Nigeria and you thereby committed an offence punishable  under Section 415 of the Penal Code.” The case has been adjourned till 8 June.

Curiously, the Turaki Vanguard and Obasanjo had exchanged correspondences in the past. In a reply to one of the letters, Obasanjo described the group as very patriotic. Indeed, when the Turaki Vanguard wrote to commiserate with the President over the death of his wife, Stella, Obasanjo thanked the organization effusively.

The Turaki Vanguard was also one of the disparate groups that coalesced into the PDP, on whose platform Obasanjo rose to power in 1999.

Even before the arraignment, Obasanjo’s displeasure with opponents of his agenda had manifested in Dutse, capital of Jigawa State. This occurred on 17 March during the state launch of the Advanced Congress of Democrats (ACD), a newly registered political party crawling with Abubakar’s loyalists and other decampees from the PDP. The event attracted a huge number of ACD chieftains. As the launch was about starting, a detachment of anti-riot policemen swooped on the venue; tear gassed the gathering, arrested and detained some chieftains for hours at the state police command headquarters.

Among those arrested were Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, former Kano State Governor and a  fierce critic of Obasanjo; Bashir Dalhatu, former Power and Steel Minister, Senator  JKN Waku and Ambassador Yahaya Kwande. 

The police said the party chieftains were arrested because they did not obtain a permit to hold a political rally in accordance with the Public Order Act. But the ACD chieftains contended that the Act had been voided by a court last year because it conflicts with the constitutional provision for freedom of association. They also alleged that the police were carrying out instructions from above. Even non-political rallies have attracted the anger of the police under Obasanjo. Early this year in Lagos, a group of women led by Professor (Mrs.) Jadesola Akande, former Vice-Chancellor of the Lagos State University, was teargassed for protesting against the rot in the nation’s aviation sector. The protest was sparked by the death of over 60 students of Abuja’s Loyola Jesuit College, when an aircraft owned by Sosoliso Airlines crashed at the Port Harcourt International Airport.

Without quick assistance and a long period of power outage on the day of the crash, the victims were roasted to death. Yet, the police deemed the women’s protest illegal and dispersed them forcefully. Though Mr. Sunday Ehindero, Inspector-General of Police, later apologized, he insisted that the protest was illegal because a police permit was not obtained.

But some of Obasanjo’s opponents are no strangers to harassment. Dalhatu for instance, was arrested on 18 February by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for allegedly misappropriating $15 million while he was a minister.

He was held for four days before being released. His counsel, C.A. Candide-Johnson, described the arrest as politically motivated. “We consider it deeply suspicious that this matter has been dug up at the time our client has identified himself as an opponent of the so-called third tern agenda, promoted by elements of the present administration. Any attempt by the government to, or its security agencies to  create phantom allegations of criminal conduct will provide further evidence of  recklessness and bad faith,” said Candide-Johnson.

Three days after the aborted ACD launch in Dutse, another chieftain of the party, Alhaji Lawal Kaita, a former governor of old Kaduna State, became an involuntary guest of the SSS.The Katsina home of the 74-year-old politician was invaded at about 12.30 a.m.  The SSS officials demanded that he accompany them to Abuja. But Kaita, apparently aware of the reputation of the SSS, refused until about 6.30 a.m.

However, the events in Abuja were to expose the Federal Government as a desperate organ. While the SSS accused Kaita of hiring thugs for the ACD, ahead of next year’s elections, Kaita described the allegation as laughable.  But Information Minister, Frank Nweke, announced that the former governor had admitted the allegation. Again, Kaita came out to refute Nweke’s claim and branded him a liar.

The shoddy handling of government information further fuelled suspicion that Obasanjo was desperate to stifle all forms of dissent. “This is an indication of full-blown dictatorship. Where there is no place for opposition, everyone, including the press, has no freedom. All these are towards third term and when President Obasanjo gets it, people will not only be tear-gassed for protesting, but killed,” said Abubakar Rimi.

 Rimi’s fears appear well founded, given the trend of events. But they ignored other potent weapons in possession of the President. One of these is the EFCC’s ceaseless dirt-digging around Obasanjo’s opponents. This has worked like magic. For the better part of last year, Brig-General Buba Marwa, former Military Administrator of Lagos State, was a staunch supporter of the President.

The romance blossomed because Marwa was fiercely opposed to Abubakar. Both men hail from Adamawa State. Apparently oblivious of Obasanjo’s self-succession bid, Marwa was also eyeing the presidency and had begun work on his bid, collecting chieftaincy titles across the nation and holding consultations. But by the end of last year, Marwa’s ambition was dead, strangled by the EFCC which arrested him for being in possession of a part of the hefty Abacha loot. Since his release, the dishy-looking Harvard graduate has melted from the political scene.

The President is apparently very adept at using the EFCC. Sources said the commission has been mandated to also dig for dirt around the president’s friends, just in case they get too smart. The trick is to keep everybody on a leash.

A recent probe by a Presidential Committee into the activities of the board of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) under Chief Bode George, a friend of Obasanjo, yielded startling revelations of fraud.


The committee, headed by Nuhu Ribadu, EFCC Chairman, concluded thus: “Given the  massive evidence of irregularities in the award of contracts under review,  particularly the flagrant violation of the process, gross and massive inflation of  contract prices, excessive contract splitting, widespread failure to protect the  integrity of contract by duly signed legal documents, it is the firm belief of this  committee that the Board, the Management and all approving officers who were  principally associated with the processing and award of the contracts under review  are liable,  either directly or vicariously for the irregularities.”

Despite being indicted, George, a staunch promoter of the third term project, has not been threatened with arrest. Will he? There are evidences to suggest that he will, if and when he switches allegiance.

Former Bayelsa State governor, Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha’s case is instructive. The former governor preferred the company of Abubakar to Obasanjo’s and paid dearly for it. But it was Alamieyesiegha who supplied the ammunition with which he was shot down. Arrested last September in London on money laundering charges, Alamieyesiegha was arraigned in court. His frantic requests for bail were severally turned down by the courts. He was later granted bail, but had his movement restricted.

In an interview with The Guardian in London, Alamieyesiegha alleged that his troubles were caused by Obasanjo, who had warned him to dump the Vice President’s camp. This began to ring true when Chief Bayo Ojo, Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), went to London to tell the court that the Federal Government could not guarantee Alamieyeseigha’s return to London if allowed to come to Nigeria.

While facing trial in London, Obasanjo started plotting his impeachment. He arm-twisted the Bayelsa State House into removing its leadership, which was loyal to the former governor. The House Speaker, Bobolayefa Debekeme, and his deputy, Foighan Jeptha were impeached.

Yet, Alamieyesiegha’s loyalists in the House continued to stave off the impeachment moves. Scared of impeachment, Alamieyeseigha jumped bail and returned to Nigeria. But against Obasanjo and the wide-ranging powers of the EFCC, the former governor and his loyalists in the House stood no chance. The commission had earlier investigated the legislators and discovered that each of them had received N100 million for constituency projects which they failed to execute. The options were clear: Impeach Alamieyesiegha, stay out of jail or refuse and go to jail. It did not need more explanations.

Twenty-four of the 28-member House signed a notice of impeachment. A few days later, five of those who signed said they were forced to sign the notice at the Lagos office of the EFCC.   Under the guise of providing security, Obasanjo sent troops to Bayelsa State to check Alamieyeseigha’s supporters. The soldiers also closed down the Bayelsa Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), which Alamieyeseigha was using to disseminate information about the situation in the state.

The EFCC delivered the coup de grace when it threatened the anti-impeachment legislators with trial. Instantly, four of the five announced that they had been tricked into opposing the impeachment. Even the panel constituted to investigate the 10 allegations against Alamieyeseigha was filled with his opponents and Federal Government apologists. David Serena-Dokubo, its chairman, was a federal government nominee to the National Conference on Political Reform. Mrs. Mercy Alagoa was sacked as Pro-Chancellor of the Niger Delta University by Alamieyeseigha, while another commissioner sacked by Alamieyeseigha was also a member. Soldiers also took over the Government House in Yenagoa.

Though the EFCC was successful in Bayelsa, so far, it has failed in Plateau State, where it had been sent to engineer the removal of the governor, Chief Joshua Dariye.

Dariye, like Alamieyeseigha, was arrested in London for money laundering and subsequently jumped bail. On his return, the EFCC attempted to prosecute him despite the fact that he enjoys constitutional immunity from such. Unrelenting, the EFCC continued its onslaught, harassing state officials and freezing state accounts. Last February, the EFCC arraigned Dariye and six others before an Abuja High Court over a N700m fraud. But Dariye did not appear in court because he is shielded by immunity. The state Commissioner for Finance and the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry were also arraigned.

Before this development, the commission had frozen accounts of the state government, an action considered by many as undemocratic. It took the ruling of an Appeal Court

to force the EFFC into defreezing the account. The Plateau State House of Assembly has ordered the EFCC to appear before it this month to brief the House on the corruption charges against the embattled governor.

 While Dariye remains in office, his former counterpart in Oyo State, Rashidi  Ladoja, was not so lucky. Ladoja was impeached in questionable circumstances last January. His impeachment had nothing to do with the EFCC, but Obasanjo’s signature was all over it.

In the former governor’s protracted face-off with Lamidi Adedibu, his major backer and supporter of Obasanjo’s third term bid, the President supported Adedibu.

 While Adedibu fought Ladoja for control of the party and his refusal to share his security votes with him, Obasanjo continued to lionize Adedibu, describing him a factor that cannot be ignored.  Ahmadu Ali, National Chairman of the PDP, also described

Adedibu as a “garrison commander” from whom Ladoja must take orders.

Buoyed by presidential support, Adedibu worked on his 18 loyalists in the legislature to impeach Ladoja. The impeachment sailed through despite court orders voiding the impeachment and the panel constituted to investigate the allegations levelled against Ladoja.

Obasanjo’s affinity for political brigands is thought to be a by-product of his desire to hijack the party. And he has succeeded in that bid. The PDP is currently his plaything. Obasanjo’s take-over was achieved through the efforts of men like Adedibu, Chief Tony Anenih, whom he made Chairman of the party’s Board of Trustees; Bode George and Colonel Ahmadu Ali, whom he installed as National Chairman.

 Ali was installed against the wish of majority of PDP members. Obasanjo forced Chief Audu Ogbeh to resign, at gunpoint, his position as party chairman.

But before the imposition of Ali on the party, Obasanjo had cleverly elbowed out the party’s founding members. These included Chief Alex Ekwueme, former Chairman, Board of Trustees, Chief Sunday Awoniyi, Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, Chief Jim Nwobodo and Chief Solomon Lar among others. “We, the founders, were tactically eased out because if we were there, they couldn’t have achieved their sinister motives,” said Dr. Chris Ngige, former Governor of Anambra State. Many of the former PDP members have since joined the ACD.

Obasanjo’s ‘scorched earth’ politics is not restricted to the PDP. To weaken opposition to his third term agenda, he has cleverly ensured that opposition parties are riven with crises. Using the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC), the various opposition parties have remained splintered. In one instance, Chief Chekwas Okorie, factional Chairman of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) was removed without recourse to APGA constitution and replaced with Victor Umeh, then National Treasurer of the party. The Alliance for Democracy has been worst-hit. On the back of being conned into supporting Obasanjo for the presidency in 2003 and being defeated in five of the six states it controlled, Obasanjo has succeeded in factionalising the party.  At a point, INEC recognised the faction led by Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa to the detriment of the mainstream AD, led by Chief Bisi Akande, former governor of Osun State. INEC’s partisanship has kept the AD reeling with crisis and has ensured that only the PDP can be credited with a semblance of stability.

This has made the PDP appealing to politicians desperate for appointments and electoral victory. However, it has also fuelled allegation that Obasanjo is desirous of creating a one-party state. The allegation is by no means baseless.  At the opening of INEC/ Civil Society Forum in Abuja in 2003, Obasanjo urged INEC to de-register some political parties. “Parties which exist only to collect grants from government or fail to submit to the basic demands for accountability and transparency or which fail to achieve an acceptable minimum of impact during elections must be sanctioned by being de-registered where necessary,” said Obasanjo. The suggestion was widely criticized. “Nowhere in the world does the commission whittle down the number of political parties. If a party is not strong today, tomorrow, it may be powerful. What INEC should do is to nurture all political parties,” countered Audu Ogbeh, former PDP National Chairman.

But Obasanjo was expressing a desire that predates his presidency. In an article published by Newswatch in 1989, Obasanjo prescribed a one-party arrangement for Nigeria. In his view, it is only through the one-party structure that the divisive politics played by Nigerian politicians can be banished. “In essence, my present suggestion that we adopt a one-party system is very much in consonance with a possible and logical outcome of our political development. All I am saying is that we give nature and history a gentle push in the right direction. This appears to be the only procedural mechanism through which we can transcend the divisive and centrifugal forces tearing us apart,” wrote Obasanjo.

Natural dislike for dissent? Obviously. This has manifested in the President’s hatred for the media. Recently, the Kano-based Freedom Radio, owned by Bashir  Dalhatu, an ACD member, was shut.

 The full reports on www.saharareporters.com