BABAJIDE KOLADE-OTITOJU

In a relationship with the Nigerian public dating back to about 30 years, General Ibrahim Babangida (retd) has never ceased to cause surprise and confusion. The wily armoured General’s undiminishing desire to confound has been explained by the fact of his military origin: Soldiers like to surprise the enemy, believing this, more often than not, offers an iron-clad guarantee of victory.

It is this political attitude of Babangida that ensures that despite his friendly and cheerful disposition he continues to be treated with distrust and suspicion by his countrymen and women. Since he stepped out of the vortex of power (unenthusiastically) in 1993, many Nigerians had been somewhat convinced that a naturally ambitious Babangida would find a way to stage a comeback. But each time he was asked if he harbored such an itch, Babangida always denied.

Speaking in April 2005 to a Lagos-based soft-sell publication, Babangida declared: “I don’t believe it is fair that once you go into politics, you want to contest. You can go into office, not necessarily looking towards an elective office… Now, by my philosophy I wouldn’t want to be seen as somebody stepping into politics for the sole purpose of contesting as President, but as somebody stepping into politics for the sole purpose of making contributions. If in the process of politicking, the politics throws you up, that is a different thing entirely. As to whether I am running or not in 2007, I will be part of 2007 politics. Let’s leave it at that.”

Characteristically, Babangida was indeterminate about his presidential ambition, even though at the time, the IBB Project 2007 had spread its tentacles to all parts of the country, with giant billboards urging support for the toothy General a feature of state capitals.

Babangida maintained this posture, deflecting stories linking him with a possible shot at the Presidency and refraining from criticising President Olusegun Obasanjo, even when his (Obasanjo’s) sit-tight ambition looked like putting Babangida’s plan to return to power in jeopardy.

But unknown to many, while Babangida acted like he was not keen about running and ignored paid adverts in national dailies as far back as 2002 urging him to contest, he was actually building his political base, waiting for a most auspicious time to “strike.” And he has always fancied his chances. “Just as you have those who are saying IBB for 2007, there are those who are saying ‘to hell with IBB in 2007, we would not allow him again.’ That is what democracy is all about,” he said last year, when nudged to speak about his ambition and his chances.

In the same interview published by Lagos-based soft-sell magazine, Babangida banished any notion that because it is well known that he was one of those who convinced General Olusegun Obasanjo to run for President in 1999, there could, indeed, be a pact between both men, which would see President Obasanjo handing over to him (Babangida) in 2007. “Even if there is, don’t you think it is meaningless, because you can’t control the way politics would go. Another political party can come and wash you away. So, of what use is that (pact)? There is nothing like a pact between me and President Obasanjo,” he argued.

But on Wednesday 22 March in Minna, Niger State capital, speculations regarding whether or not General Babangida would contest were laid to rest when the General, with a remarkable and uncharacteristic straightforwardness, expressed his eagerness to contest Nigeria’s presidency in 2007. That had been missing in previous encounters between him and the media. “I am ready for 2007, if I get the nomination of my party I will contest,” he declared.

Interestingly, Babangida believes he can count on the voters to return him to power 13 years after he ‘stepped aside’ with pro-democracy forces ranged against him. “I will run, depending on the mood of the people. I would not let them down,” promised IBB, who confirmed that he is currently a card-carrying member of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He appeared unbothered about President Obasanjo’s alleged third term plot, affirming that if the third term campaigners have their way, the voters would certainly have their say. He alluded to the possibility of an incumbent being defeated in an election, stressing that he was not losing sleep over Obasanjo’s third term plans. “We gave an example of what happened in Kano and I said if we have ten Kano States… I can feel that there are other states which are willing to do what Kano did,” an apparent reference to the 2003 gubernatorial election in Kano State when the incumbent, Rabiu Kwankwaso of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) was defeated by the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) candidate, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau.

IBB was also unfazed by the fact that Vice-President Atiku Abubakar would be a veritable threat to him in 2007. He dismissed the Atiku political machine in a jiffy. “Once you get into an electoral contest, you confront all the machines that are not allowing you to move,” he boasted.

Babangida’s Minna declaration sparked all kinds of reaction. To some, it was good enough that at last, somebody was going to confront President Obasanjo, who seemed buoyed in his third term plans because there appeared to be no contestant of note to challenge him. But the contemplation of another shot at Nigerian presidency by Babangida provokes rage among a considerable number of Nigerians, including radical lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, who declared that “Babangida has no moral right, no political right, to say he wants to rule Nigeria again. We will not forget his atrocities. Questions will be asked about how Dele Giwa was killed, how he mismanaged our economy and how MKO Abiola died.” The fiery senior advocate predicted that Babangida’s emergence will be a disaster for even Obasanjo and all those in their group who, according to him, have conspired against the Nigerian people, not only in respect of June 12 annulment but in the way they have destroyed the Nigerian economy between 1985 and 1993 and between 1999 and 2006. “The time has come for both of them to pay for their misdeeds,” Chief Fawehinmi submitted.

Also Prof. Itse Sagay, SAN, a respected human rights activist, expressed similar feelings. “I marvel at the cheek of a man like that saying he wants to come back. It is like fingering the nation in the eyes. He should go and bury his head in shame and allow the country to rest. He should forget about it not only in 2007, but also for life. He should rather go for his retirement and be quietly begging God for forgiveness,” Sagay intoned.

Tam David-West, a professor of virology and petroleum minister during the IBB era says although Babangida is qualified to run for the presidency he has no moral right to contest or even win an election in Nigeria. “Nobody should vote for Babangida. He has nothing to offer. I worked with him. I have said that in several articles. He has a right to contest as a citizen but nobody should vote for him. I challenge him to a television debate, Babangida has nothing to offer,” the professor said in a chat with a national daily.

Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka, sees Babangida’s plans to return to power as civilian president as an insult. During a chat with media chiefs last week, Soyinka declared: ‘‘Look, the musical chairs being played by the military, let us wake up our minds not to dance to this. Enough is enough. We are being insulted, left, right and centre. What is it? People shoot their way to power, accumulate mass and mass of resources and then use all the resources they accumulated through illegal means to come and dominate our lives.”

However, Senator Joseph Waku has a slightly different view. “His declaration makes the process exciting. It is a healthy situation. I have been his fan for years except that we don’t belong to the same party now,” Waku remarked. The Senator intoned that the choice is for Nigerians to decide whether they want him back or not. But if Waku can be said to be excited about IBB’s declaration, Alex Akinyele, Chairman of the IBB for 2007 Campaign Organization, is ecstatic, to say the least. “His chances are absolutely broad. The entire world has been waiting for this hour when he will declare. If you come across 10 people, eight of them are asking for IBB, saying what is he waiting for?” Akinyele said.

Already, over 20 associations which had hitherto gone underground following Babangida’s non-committal position have metamorphosed into one body called: The Nigeria Project 2007. This body holds meetings regularly to fine-tune Babangida’s presidential ambition.

One of the facilitators of the group, Mr. Max Gbanite, a U.S-based political scientist, told this magazine “Nigerians should be grateful to former President Ibrahim Babangida for saving democracy”. He continued: “Before IBB broke his silence through the media last week, incumbent President Obasanjo had already cowed potential presidential aspirants, as he threatened them into hiding. Look at how he harassed his deputy, Atiku Abubakar, even to the point of aiding American police to search his private residence for incriminating documents. Look at the way he harassed Gen. Buba Marwa out of the race by re-opening up a 15-year-old closed investigation of corrupt enrichment; remember Marwa spent last Christmas and the New Year in detention.

“Look at what Governor Kalu of Abia is going through in the hands of the Code of Conduct Bureau and EFCC. Remember the licence of his airline was earlier withdrawn by the government, all in an effort to force him out of the presidential race.”

This development, he told this magazine, forced many others to beat a retreat, realising that President Obasanjo has gone wild in his third term or life presidency ambition.

According to very reliable sources close to the former president, Babangida’s decision to declare his interest in the 2007 race at this time was to pass a message to national lawmakers that there exists an alternative to Obasanjo. “If IBB had not come out now, the lawmakers would have concluded that the presidency is between Obasanjo and the deep blue sea. But today, they know that they have a formidable candidate in IBB who definitely will give Obasanjo a good fight.”

With IBB gaining support within their ranks, members of the House of Representatives last Wednesday threatened to commence impeachment proceedings against their Speaker, Hon. Aminu Bello Masari for supporting a controversial motion commending Obasanjo for the speedy passage of the 2006 Budget.

The arrowhead of this group is Hon. Usman Bugaje. Others are C.I.D. Maduabum, Nasir Dantiye, Mohammed El-Yakub, Bashir Nadabo, Francis Amadiegwu, Almajeri Geidam, Temi Harriman and Femi Gbajabiamila. Said Maduabum: “The Speaker is an agent and we in the House, the principal. If and when the agent stops serving the interest of the principal, the contract will then have to be reviewed.” TheNEWS reliably gathered that Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, though determined to wrest power from Obasanjo, might be at ease trading off his ambition than seeing President Obasanjo continue in office beyond 2007.

“Let me tell you, Atiku is a first class politician, he is studying everything. I can bet that he will be comfortable working with IBB than allowing his ambition to make Obasanjo continue in office. You know in politics, there is no permanent enemy but permanent interest,” the source offered.

Sources in the Babangida camp told TheNEWS that the General has been holding a lot of meetings lately with loyalists on how to ensure his victory in the 2007 elections. It is believed that IBB’s declaration for the presidency has galvanized many retired soldiers who came to prominence through him, to work for the actualization of their former boss’ presidential ambition. Among them are Generals David Mark, Tunde Ogbeha, both PDP senators with sympathy for President Olusegun Obasanjo. The duo were sighted at the Minna hill-top home of Babangida last week, during a meeting called by “Concerned Nigerians For IBB,” a new organization founded by Godwin Daboh to drum up support for IBB’s Presidential ambition. The meeting, according to an insider, lasted 8 hours, during which a broad strategy was mapped out to tackle President Obasanjo’s third term plans, while reaching out across multifarious political groups and the National Assembly. The group, which also held a meeting at Sheraton Hotel and Towers, Lagos on Thursday 30 March 2006, is believed to be making inroads in the National Assembly, with the goal of frustrating any attempt to rubber-stamp an undeserved third term for President Obasanjo. Two notable female senators, Iyabo Anisulowo (PDP, Ogun) and Daisy Danjuma (PDP, Edo), are said to be rooting for Babangida currently.

Babangida’s March declaration was the climax of months of intense consultations that took the retired General to all parts of the country, including the Southwest. He recently visited Ijebu-Ode to consult with Oba Sikiru Adetona. He also visited the home of late Chief MKO Abiola and prayed at the tomb of the man whose death he (Babangida) hastened by the mindless annulment of an election he won on 12 June 1993. Desirous of being seen more frequently than before, IBB was the cynosure of eyes during the burial of the Globacom Chairman, Mike Adenuga’s mother in Ijebu Igbo.

A Babangida loyalist told TheNEWS that they were ready to confront Obasanjo if necessary and noted that in this regard, Babangida does not harbour any fear whatsoever. Indeed, a reading of Babangida’s encounter with newsmen showed that he is ready to confront the President if he (Obasanjo) stood in his way. He has also been trying his best to rally northern support, telling his kinsmen that if Obasanjo, a retired General could return to power as a civilian, he too deserved to be backed to do the same.

But General Babangida should expect the Obasanjo camp to fight back. One, the third term agenda is still on course and like many political analysts have posited, Obasanjo would rather die in power than out of it. His declaration in the United States last week regarding his inglorious third term ambition has not reassured many political observers that the plot has been buried.

Babangida strategists are well aware of this and the fact that the political environment has been stiffened to favour Obasanjo’s preeminence beyond 2007. In fact, the suspicion in many quarters is that the Obasanjo camp is only biding its time to respond appropriately to the threat Babangida represents to the President’s ambition to perpetuate himself in power. As an incumbent president of a Third World country, Obasanjo has a lot going for him. It is for this reason, said a Babangida acolyte, that Babangida stated that he will not formally declare his presidential ambition until the Electoral bill is passed into law.

“You cannot declare in vain. The law gives you the time when to start campaign and when to end campaign,” IBB stated.

The Minna-born General reasoned that the absence of a subsisting electoral law with less than one year to the elections makes the process uncertain. “I do not understand it myself, quite frankly. In this situation, whatever you plan, something will crop up that nullifies the original plan and then you have to start all over again. So, the best is wait a while, see how it goes, be convinced that this is the right thing: now I can conveniently get into the ring and fight,” he said.

The battle between Babangida and Obasanjo would interest students of history, for both men had resisted attempts at confronting each other in the past. Even in the 1990s when Babangida was described by Obasanjo as the architect of Nigeria’s woes, Babangida never ‘retaliated.’ Sources claim Babangida decided to stomach the attacks on his regime by Obasanjo, because he remains grateful to him for saving his career in the Army.

On 13 February 1976, when the then Col. Babangida was mandated to lead Federal troops to rout Lt. Col. Bukar Sukar Dimka and other coupists who had taken over the FRCN, Lagos premises after killing the then Head of State, General Murtala Muhammed, the instruction General T.Y. Danjuma gave Babangida was to crush Dimka and level FRCN if necessary. Rather than do this, however, Babangida negotiated with Dimka, allowing the arrowhead of the putsch to escape.

Danjuma’s response was: “I didn’t ask you to negotiate with Dimka.” Babangida was slated for court martial and his career could have ended in disgrace. At that point Obasanjo stepped in to save his (IBB’s) career. It is said that because Babangida found Obasanjo “trustworthy” he accepted the task of convincing him to run for the presidency in 1999.

Again, after many of his boys in the army were retired compulsorily by Obasanjo, Babangida felt betrayed, but he decided to mask his anger, the same way he had concealed his anger when none of his candidates was considered for the post of service chief, by an Obasanjo he helped to bring to power. Obasanjo, a smart, but often underrated politician, rather opted for “apolitical Generals” as service chiefs. These were soldiers who never held any political office before then. According to an Obasanjo aide, the President understood the implication of putting “IBB boys” in key posts.

Babangida felt betrayed but could not do much, at least, openly against the President given the fact that Obasanjo’s anti-corruption crusade may be heading his direction in respect of the disbursement of $12.5 billion Gulf War oil windfall that accrued to Nigeria in 1991. But since then, the wily General has never given up on his bid to take over Aso Rock from Obasanjo. The cat and mouse game between both men came to the fore last week when, in a well publicized interview in his hilltop residence in Minna, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida made it clear that he was available to succeed President Olusegun Obasanjo in Aso Rock in the 2007 elections.

Babangida’s interest in the presidency in 2007 is really giving the Obasanjo camp jitters, but an aide of the Nigerian ruler stressed that he believed Babangida would not contest the election. He noted that before 2007, many Nigerians would see IBB for what he truly is? Though the aide refused to go into specifics, it was clear the Obasanjo camp was already considering giving Babangida ‘the Marwa treatment.’ They believe once allegations of corruption are pinned against the Minna-born General, he won’t find the moral strength to run. The Okigbo report is, in the OBJ camp, perhaps the most potent weapon to nail Babangida. Yet, before IBB found the courage to declare his interest in the presidency, Obasanjo had deluded himself that the report never existed.

Okigbo Report
When the late General Sani Abacha commissioned the Pius Okigbo panel to probe into the use of the Dedicated Account, to which General Ibrahim Babangida lodged the $12.4 billion accruing from the sustained increased price of oil during the 1991 Gulf War, he was either unconscious of the rebounding resonance of what would be uncovered, or he simply failed to acknowledge the uncompromising independent-mindedness of Okigbo, the panel chairman

Perhaps, Abacha did that merely to have a feel of how the excess oil-money the nation reaped was appropriated and misappropriated. But, certainly, by the time Okigbo finished his assignment, a huge can of worms had been discovered. Okigbo exposed how Babangida veered from the normal Federation Account into surreptitiously establishing the Dedicated and other Special Accounts to stockpile the crude oil proceeds. Between September 1988 and June 1994, $12.4 billion had been recorded in the accounts.
If the amount involved was not mind-boggling enough, the manner of its expenditure practically drew the old man to tears. For instance, about $2.9 million was found to have been expended on a Documentary Film on Nigeria. In another instance, over $18.30 million was spent on purchasing television and video sets for the Presidency! Another $1.5 million was used to buy gifts for the governments of Liberia and Ghana. The Ministry of Defense, Defense attaches and security apparatuses also benefited to the tune of $408.56 million from the booty.

Babangida and his wife’s overseas travel itinerary gulped about $9.94 million of the windfall. Staff Welfare at Dodan Barracks and Aso Rock, they claimed, gulped about $23.98 million, while Ahmadu Bello University got $17.9 million to purchase television equipment. In addition, Nigerian embassies in London, Riyadh, Tehran, Niamey, Pakistan and Israel, collectively shared $56.54 million.
“Babangida will certainly be probed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and if indicted, he would be disgraced, prosecuted or banned from contesting an elective office for life,” a top security source volunteered to TheNEWS last Friday.

Dele Giwa’s Murder

Apart from the Okigbo Report, the OBJ camp will thoroughly embarrass Babangida by drawing attention to his role in the murder of Dele Giwa, Newswatch’s founding Editor-in-Chief. Not a few Nigerians believe that IBB is culpable for the murder and that the reason he has not been tried is his closeness to the corridors of power since he left office in 1993. Indeed, Obasanjo had wanted to embarrass Babangida through the Human Rights Violations Commission, i.e. Oputa Panel, where it was hoped the Dele Giwa issue would be brought to the front burner. But as it turned out, Babangida exploited the fact that the panel lacked legal teeth to stay away. He even got a court of law to get the panel off his back.

But the recommendations of the panel are still there to be invoked in dealing with the foxy retired General. All the Obasanjo strategists need to do, as TheNEWS learned, is get the National Assembly to effect the ban on retired Generals for life, as recommended by Justice Chukwudifu Oputa in his report exclusively published by TheNEWS in December 2004.

Besides, a top security source told TheNEWS unequivocally that the Obasanjo regime now has sufficient grounds to try IBB for corruption if it so wishes. The source stressed that at the auspicious time, the government will move against Babangida. Last week, an EFCC top official, TheNEWS was told, was mandated to sound out influential politicians and top media men on what could be the response of Nigerians to Babangida’s arrest for corruption. According to a senior editor who was sounded out, “I told them if they do not have anything substantial on the man, they should not contemplate it, as it would be counter-productive. But I added that IBB was not above the law and should, therefore, not be spared if he indeed committed any crime against the state.”

Yet, many in IBB’s camp believe that President Obasanjo will not dare to go that road. ‘‘Obasanjo has tied his own hands. He had repeatedly told the world before now that there is no evidence anywhere in the world that showed that IBB is corrupt. It would be foolhardy of security agents to come up after this declaration to say they have found offences against him. I can assure you that Nigerians will rise up against Obasanjo if he does such a thing,” Max Gbanite, a US-based backer of Babangida stressed.
But the Babangida camp is not just folding its arms. It is said to be battle-ready for Obasanjo. TheNEWS was told that the battle might get messy in the coming months, as the IBB camp is said to have many damaging files on Obasanjo. “We are not going to watch Obasanjo attempt to ridicule Babangida. If it ever gets to that, our response will shock Nigerians. We are waiting for them. We can confirm to you that Obasanjo is not a saint,” the source, a member of Babangida’s Project 2007 told TheNEWS. There is also the belief that as military president, Babangida patronised Obasanjo through contracts.

Is IBB really in a position to match Obasanjo blackmail for blackmail and document for document? Sources say the Minna General indeed has ‘goods’ on the president. They say he could bring up the 1990 $500m debt buy-back scandal, which involved Obasanjo to whip the Ota General into line. As the story goes, on 7 October 1990, then military president, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, wrote a letter to Obasanjo urging him to use his knowledge of international diplomacy to help halt Nigeria’s debt overhang which stood then at $209 billion. Babangida promised to place whatever Obasanjo wanted at his disposal to achieve the goal. Obasanjo took the bait and threw himself into the project. The Ota farmer set up a nine-member steering group made up of himself as Chairman, Alhaji Yaya Abubakar, Prof. Aboyade, Chief Arthur Mbanefo, Prof. Akin Mabogunje and Mr. Victor Mpoyo. Also in the group were Audu Ogbeh, Anozie Okoro and Chief Siji Soetan, who served as legal adviser. As reported in TheNEWS of 27 September 1999, the members agreed at a meeting in Ota 18 January 1991 that an offshore company based in Bermuda is incorporated in furtherance of the objective. On 4 April 1991 Obasanjo announced to IBB that IMEXTRANS. SA, a Panamanian offshore company based in Geneva, Switzerland, had been incorporated, adding that an account had also been opened with Banque Paribas (Suisse), S.A. at 2 Place Hollande CH 1204, Geneva. He said an agreement had been reached with renowned investment bankers, Morgan Stanley and Company, to handle the transactions. Obasanjo requested for $250 million as IMEXTRANS’ initial budget.

The amount was billed to be paid into IMEXTRANS’ account number 069551W – with Banque Paribas. Later it was discovered through a draft that Obasanjo had instructed that the money be paid into the account — number 0-338154-003 — of a strange company, Oriental Projects Limited, OPL, in a Geneva bank, with $500 million as initial budget. The scandal, which surfaced in the early days of Obasanjo’s first term in office, has remained a dent on Obasanjo’s “unblemished profile.”

However, as Babangida continues to rally his troops preparatory to the 2007 presidential race, the biggest threat to his ambition, contrary to the belief in some quarters, may not even be President Obasanjo. TheNEWS survey last week showed that many Nigerians still hold the gap-toothed General accountable for the present economic predicament of the country. They painfully recall IBB’s policies like the Structural Adjustment Program, SAP, which was a precursor to the devaluation of the naira. Equally evoking negative emotions about IBB’s ambition in the minds of Nigerians are programs like the establishment of the People’s Bank and the Directorate for Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure, DFRRI, otherwise populist program which were turned into avenues for frittering away billions of dollars of Nigeria’s oil earnings by the former military president. The annulment of the June 12 1993 presidential election, adjudged to be the freest election ever conducted in Nigeria, remains fresh in the memory of many Nigerians.

Anti-Babangida passion was demonstrated in Kano last year when he was driven out of a wedding reception. The former military president arrived the venue of the wedding reception only to be met by a protesting crowd. He was pelted with stones and had to escape from the venue through Zaria Road, Kano. That singular incident also exposed the lie that the North is solidly in support of IBB.

There are also pro-democracy activists and radicals in the North who have expressed their opposition to the ambition of the Minna General; by the same measure they oppose the third term ambition of President Obasanjo. One of them is Abdulkarim Daiyabu, a close confidant of former Head of State and Presidential candidate of the All Nigeria People’s Party, ANPP, in the 2003 election, General Muhammadu Buhari. Daiyabu, Kano-based President of the Movement for Justice In Nigeria, MOJIN, who described the so-called truce between Babangida and Gen. Muhammadu Buhari as an optical illusion, says he is prepared to lay down his life to ensure that IBB does not return to Aso Rock.

The situation is not different in the southern part of the country. The former president has been very careful in visiting the Southwest for example, since he was forced to step aside from Aso Rock after annulling the 12 June 1993 presidential election. In the past, he has had to cancel some scheduled visits, especially those given wide publicity. “He prefers to sneak in and sneak out of the Yoruba states,” remarked a critic.

It is also believed that he is still not welcomed in USA and Britain for reasons not clear to this magazine. Last year the US embassy refused him a visa for a visit to Washington to address his supporters.

IBB acolytes will have to contend with the swelling ranks of opposition to his ambition. Since the retired General re-affirmed his ambition to contest in 2007, pro-democracy activists across the southern Nigeria have been speaking of their readiness to return to the trenches to ensure that IBB’s presidential dream does not come to fruition. Lagos lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi is one of them. Pro-democracy activists are very determined to frustrate IBB as they see him as lacking the moral muscle to rule Nigeria at this point in the nation’s history.

Outside the shores of Nigeria, activists like Jamaica-born former Sociology lecturer at the Ahmadu Bello University, Professor Patrick Wilmot has already affirmed his readiness to rally international opposition to IBB’s 2007 dream. Wilmot told TheNEWS in a recent interview that IBB’s eight-year rule was a complete disaster for the Nigeria: “After eight years in power, there is not a single thing you can point at,” said Wilmot who was emphatic that he can’t stay in the same room with the former military president.

Yet, another international obstacle to IBB’s ambition, according to sources, is the fact that the Minna General cannot move freely in certain European nations. Indeed, it was gathered that IBB has deftly avoided traveling to many countries in Europe for fear that pressure may be put on the authorities of such countries to bring him to justice. “Knowing Nigeria’s size and role in Africa, especially in the African Union, how can we have a President who cannot move freely? IBB is surely a joker,” a pro-democracy activist told TheNEWS last week.

Opposition to Babangida’s ambition at home and abroad will surely continue to mount in the coming weeks. It remains to be seen, however, if such opposition will be strong enough to abort the gap-toothed General’s ambition midstream.

— Additional reports by Tony Orilade, Abuja, Oluokun Ayorinde, Ernest Omoarelojie, Michael Mukwuzi & Olusola Olaosebikan