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Okey Ndibe: Offside For A Disgruntled Don
By Godini Darah
In its edition of December 18, 2007, Daily Sun newspaper published an
article by Professor Okey Ndibe with the title, ‘What Ibori Means.’ The
sinister and diabolical purpose of the article is clear from the
opening sentence. According to Ndibe, "It is hard, extremely hard, not
to exult at James Onanefe Ibori’s travails." In the next sentence, the
don passes judgement thus: Chief Ibori might overcome the snare of his
traducers not because of the merit of his case but because of "the size
of his bank accounts and the unpredictable strictures of Nigeria’s
Judiciary." In a gloating tone, Ndibe says that "it felt good to
witness the caging of this man." From his choice of words and the
gleeful jeer in them, it is not difficult to detect that the
professor’s mind is poisoned by pride and prejudice.
But what is it that can incite a man of great learning to puke with
such barbarous musings of anguish and disgruntlement? Ndibe reminds the
readers of a matter in 2004 when Ibori let it be known that former
President Olusegun Obasanjo did not have constitutional warranty to
tell a state governor where to operate from. The point at issue then
was that Ibori attended a friend’s birthday party in London and the
then president chastised him and others who were there. In his response
to Mr. President, Ibori had drawn his attention to the fine principle
of federalism by saying that he could exercise his governorship
functions even from a water closet or toilet. Ndibe twisted this simple
analogy to mean that the governor "cast the interests of his
constituency (state) into the toilet." This malicious misinterpretation
may be forgiven as the sin of a cynical don.
Yet, Ndibe cannot be forgiven for his graceless statement that
during Ibori’s tenure, no visitor to Delta State "would suspect that so
much money came in every month." He adds the libelous point that in
that regime, "Delta was being turned into a vast toilet." How did the
professor reach this crazy conclusion? He grumbles that Asaba, the
state capital, was not developed to the level of London and "other
world cities." Ndibe tells more lies by saying that the Ibori
administration made deliberate policies to under-develop Asaba.
Lest we forget, Asaba was a sleepy, provincial town in 1991 when
Delta was created. It had not changed much by 1999 when Ibori became
governor. Thanks to his regime, the transformation of infrastructure
and social life witnessed in Asaba in the Ibori years is unprecedented
in the annals of other state capitals in Nigeria. Whereas Asaba is only
15 years as a seat of government, places like Port Harcourt, Benin,
Kaduna and Jos have been so for 40 years. Ndibe knows this, but his
judgement is blinkered by ethnic jingoism.
Throughout the article, Ndibe displays a cocksure arrogance about
the veracity of the false and vexatious allegations made against Ibori
by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). I am not aware
that Ndibe is an academic hireling of the commission; yet he quotes
fantastic figures of money allegedly taken from the treasury of Delta
State. Why would a self-respecting intellectual debase himself to the
level of parroting sensational allegations peddled by an EFCC that is
not sacrosanct?
Ndibe talks glibly of billions of Naira that "poured in every month
into the coffers of the State." He cites the figures in this dramatic
fashion to support his vile and evil propaganda that the money was
misapplied. That is why he is sanctimonious enough to say that ‘no
visitor to the state would suspect that so much money came in every
month. Is it visitors to a state that should assess the level of
development? I challenge Ndibe to substantiate his malicious charges
and incitement against the government of Delta State. Unfortunately, he
seems to be such a fanatical stunt man of the EFFC that he is not
likely to have the moral courage to take up the challenge.
But Ndibe should not be left to escape with his campaign of calumny
against progressive Delta. First, let us deal with the issue of
"billions of Naira that poured into the state." This money was not
manna from benevolent dictators in Abuja. The increased revenue via the
13 per cent derivation was the reward for relentless struggle by the
minority nations of the South-South, especially at the 1994-95
constitutional conference. The derivation principle is enshrined in
Section 162(2) of the 1999 Constitution. For a whole year after he
assumed office in 1999, Obasanjo deliberately refused to implement it.
Ibori and D.S.P. Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa State, mobilised their
colleagues to compel the federal government to pay. The ‘resource
control’ movement was spearheaded in Delta State by the ‘Ibori
Vanguard.’ The historic ‘Asaba Declaration’ of South-South governors
and legislators was made in March 2000 and after that, Obasanjo had no
choice but to start payment. Ibori took extreme political risk in
leading the struggle because the national executive of the Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP) was stoutly opposed to the demand. I can confirm
that both governors did not support the third term gamble in which
Obasanjo was a dramatis persona. It should be a matter of interest to
historians that Alamieyeseigha and Ibori are prime targets of EFCC’s
‘operation totality.’
Those envious of the oil-endowed states talk of "billions of Naira"
received by them without indicating the volume of their contribution to
the Federation Account that is shared every month by all tiers of
government. Delta State has been the largest contributor of federal
revenue since the 1970s. For example, in the six years of 1999-2004,
Delta contributed N5.2 trillion to the Federation Account. What came to
the state by way of derivation revenue was a very tiny fraction of what
was contributed.
The oil income that came to Delta during the Ibori years was
judiciously and responsibly utilised. Let me recount a few of the major
strides. Under Ibori, Delta built the most gigantic bridges in Nigeria
since the 1970s. They are those of Bomadi, Ase River, Ughoton-Omadino
and Okpare-Olomu. The bridges and access roads to them cost over N15
billion. Obasanjo opened the Bomadi and Ase River bridges on April 1,
2005 and at each venue, he sang hymns of praise to Ibori. The bridges
at Bomadi and Ughoton-Omadino are the first ever since 1914 to link the
mainland to the oil-rich riverine areas where there have been armed
revolts against the insensitive federal government. Work on the N25
billion Warri-Ode-Itsekiri road started in 2006.
Ibori set an African record for building 2,000 kilometres of new
roads and highways in eight years. This figure gives an average of 250
kilometres of new roads per year. Even the ‘almighty’ federal
government that controls 53 per cent of the nation’s budget built only
4,700 in eight years. Another national record of achievement was
created in the area of intra-city or municipal roads. The most
spectacular effort was in the twin cities of Warri and Effurun. The
Ibori administration has constructed a 40-kilometre dual carriage
boulevard through the heart of the two cities. Nearly every motorway in
Effurun was reconstructed. The renovation of the Warri-Effurun
landscape has added a profit-friendly charm to properties and
investments along the major roads.
In response to Ibori’s urban renewal initiative, private sector
investors have been in upbeat mood. The most favoured sector is that of
hotels, tourism and leisure services which are the biggest
income-earners in the world today. Asaba is a major magnetic point for
this phenomenal growth in tourism business. There are nearly 100 new
hotels in the Warri-Effurun metropolis. The Ethiope River from Umutu
via Abraka to Sapele doubled its hotel and leisure facilities in the
Ibori years of prosperity.
Delta State is extending a N10 billion electricity grid line to the
physically challenging mangrove wetlands that constitute 50 per cent of
the state’s territory. Delta is the first state in Nigeria’s 93-year
history to undertake such a monumental electricity infrastructure.
Within five years of Ibori’s government, 350 rural and urban
communities were provided electricity schemes. More than 250 places had
drinkable water. Ibori built the highest number of sports facilities
during the period. There is a world-class stadium in Warri which has
hosted many international events. Stadia of the same status are nearing
completion in Asaba and Sapele. There are 10 mini stadia in provincial
towns. The investment in sports has paid handsome dividends. Delta has
won three of the four national sports festivals since 2000.
Let us turn to human capital development which is always difficult
to measure. Ibori doubled the size of public service employees, with
25,000 new staff especially in the primary and secondary schools. No
other state government in Nigeria recorded this premium achievement in
job creation during the period under review. The quantum leap in the
size of government workers shot up the monthly wage bill to five times
its volume in 1999. Every single office in Asaba and the local
governments is computer-friendly and that change occurred in the Ibori
years.
Enrolment figures in the Delta State University rose by 300 per
cent in the eight years Ibori was in charge in the state. In a single
year, four polytechnics were established and they are doing well. Delta
was the only place in Africa where such a feat was executed during the
period. No state or regional government had taken such a bold step in
tertiary education since the late Obafemi Awolowo’s revolutionary
stride in western Nigeria 50 years ago.
Human capital development in health services consumed enormous
financial resources. Twelve hospitals were upgraded to W.H.O. standard;
the job was handled by the French firm of S.C.O.A. There are over 200
primary health facilities. There are no ‘drugless hospitals’ in Delta
as Ndibe wickedly fabricated in his article. Let the truth be retold,
the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) conducted an
independent good governance audit of the Niger Delta states in 2006.
Without equivocation, the audit rated Delta the best in the areas of
electricity, water supply and health facilities. Did Ndibe have the
modesty of a scholar to read that report?
The Niger Delta has the largest number of rivers in the world. But
the creeks and mangrove swamps are bounteously endowed with oil and gas
which sustain Nigeria’s economy. All Nigerian governments since
independence in 1960 have deliberately neglected to develop
infrastructure in the area. This is one of the incitements for
conflicts and armed revolts ravaging the region. In August 2006, Ibori
took a revolutionary step by setting up the Delta State Oil Producing
Areas Development Commission (DESOPADEC). It is headed by Wellington
Okrika, a man of impeccable moral credentials. The commission receives
50 per cent of all revenue that accrues to Delta State from the 13 per
cent derivation and applies the money exclusively to the development of
the oil-producing local governments. In just one year of operations,
the commission has done very well in terms of grassroots coverage of
activities.
Most of the Ibori achievements can be verified by seeing or
photographic recording. But how does one measure the financial cost of
resolving dozens of bloody conflicts that engulfed the neglected oil
districts of Delta? Have Ndibe and his EFCC mentors ever inquired into
these matters? If they have not, what variety of hubris breeds their
contempt for solid and empirical facts? When Ibori assumed office there
were nearly 20 fratricidal communal conflicts ravaging various areas.
There were sections that were bent on breaking away from unjust
Nigeria. Two days after Ibori was sworn in, inter-ethnic mayhem
consumed the oil city of Warri.
It took a toll on Ibori’s political sagacity to mediate and pacify
all the conflict-impacted areas. Substantial money was expended on the
maintenance and logistic support of peace-keeping Federal troops. Huge
sums went into bringing relief to victims of bloody clashes. Ibori was
the most active governor in the Niger Delta peace process. The
sacrifice the Delta State government has made and continues to make has
benefited Nigeria and the multinational oil companies by way of
increased dollar revenue from oil. Ibori who put his life on the line
to secure relative peace for Nigeria eminently deserves to be crowned a
national laureate for peace rather than being hounded by EFCC and
disgruntled professors.
•Professor Darah, chairman of the Editorial Board of The Guardian, sent this rejoinder from Warri, Delta State.
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Posted by Robot| 14.01.2008 17:38