Niger Delta: What Nigeria must do now - By Nobel Laureates Committee on the Niger-Delta  

DECEMBER 1, 2006

Niger Delta: What Nigeria must do now

The Commission of Nobel Laureates on Peace, Equity and Development in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria is an endeavour of the Elie Wiesel Foundation for  Humanity (EWF). The Commission is an objective and independent body beholden to no government or enterprise. Recommendations are intended to mitigate  human suffering and prevent violence that could engulf Nigeria and spill over its borders

Background

The Niger Delta region includes 6 states of which Bayelsa, Rivers, and Delta states produce the most oil and suffer from significant violence. The region is a maze of  creeks, streams, and swamps formed by the Niger River as it divides into 6 main tidal channels before spilling out into the Atlantic Ocean. Before oil was discovered  by Royal Dutch Shell near the village of Oloibiri in 1956,[1] the Niger Delta region had the most extensive lowland tropical and fresh water forests, aquatic ecosystems,  and biodiversity in West Africa.[2]  Residents cultivated rice, sugarcane, plantain, palm oil, yams, cassava, and timber.[3] At least seven million Ijaw, Ogoni, Itsekiri,  Andoni, Ibibio and a host of other peoples speaking distinct languages live in Bayelsa, Rivers, and Delta states alone. Most of the oil and gas reserves are found on  Ijaw territory.

Windfall

Since 1970, Nigeria has earned at least $300 billion from energy development. It took in $45 billion in 2005 alone. With about 40 billion barrels of proven oil  reserves, Nigeria currently produces about 2.4 million barrels of oil/day. It is estimated that Nigeria will produce 4 million barrels/day by 2010.[4] It is also home to the  world's seventh largest supply of natural gas.[5] Nigeria's low-sulfur oil – so-called "sweet" crude – is much sought after by refineries in the United States, which  purchases about 40% of current production.[6] Nigeria provides 11% of U.S. oil.[7] It is the fifth largest source of oil for the United States.

Environment

The U.S. Department of Energy estimates that over 4,000 oil spills discharging more than two million barrels of crude have occurred in the Niger Delta since 1960.[8]  Oil slicks cover the region. Blow-outs and leaks affect creeks, streams, and related traditional sources of livelihood, poisoning the water supply, destroying mangrove  forests, eroding soil plots, and killing aquatic life.[9]  Hundreds of well-sites have flares, which come from the burning of associated gas. The flares heat up everything  nearby and turn day into night, releasing 25 million tons of CO2 and 12 million tons of methane annually.[10] Resulting sulfuric acid mists damage plants and forests.[11]  Flares pollute rain water, cause acid rain,[12] and contribute to climate change.[13]

Many residents suffer from oil poisoning. Crude oil enters the body through skin absorption, ingestion of food and water, and inhalation of oil and dust particles.[14] Oil  poisoning also causes respiratory ailments.[15] In addition, residents suffer from a plethora of water borne diseases such as malaria, dysentery, tuberculosis, typhoid,  and cholera.[16] Life expectancy is low and child morbidity rates are high.[17]

Poverty

According to the United Kingdom's Department for International Development, "Nigeria has some of the worst social indicators in the world."[18] For example, the  World Bank estimates that 92.4% of Nigerian women are living on less than $2/day in 2006.[19]  Though the Niger Delta's energy assets provide nearly three-quarters  of government revenues and roughly 90% of foreign exchange earnings, they have not resulted in socio-economic development. Unemployment hovers at about 90%.  Many schools and hospitals lack staff, equipment, and necessary supplies.[20] Most riverine areas remain unconnected to electricity grids. Bayelsa State has only one  multi-lane, paved road in the entire state, which leads only to the capital. In April 2006, President Olusegun Obasanjo promised a $1.8 billion road-building project  for the Niger Delta region. No action was taken. Many Niger Delta residents see his pledge as yet another opportunity for elites to enrich themselves with "bogus  contracts."[21]

Violence

Disenfranchised by rigged elections in 1999 and 2003, many youths have joined local militias that sabotage oil facilities and kidnap oil workers.  Though violence has  been sporadic to date, radicalization is on the rise with some groups threatening to disassociate from Nigeria unless the government satisfies demands for political  rights, economic development, and social justice. Many young people are migrating from their villages to Port Harcourt and other urban areas. The Niger Delta region  has the highest incidence of HIV/AIDS in Nigeria; prostitution and teenage pregnancies are on the rise.[22] There is also a spiral of hooliganism, robbery and  spontaneous violence.[23]

The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, among others, vows to continue attacking oil installations and Nigerian military units until oil assets are  brought under local control. Impoverished and hopeless youths are fed up with the present state of affairs, which degrades the environment and loots local wealth. As  a result of recent violence and the kidnapping of international oil workers, Nigeria's overall production of petroleum has been reduced by 25%. At the official level,  President Obasanjo has named two peace envoys:  human rights activist Fr. Matthew Kukah for the Ogoni dispute with Shell, and Ken Wiwa, son of slain Ogoni  leader Ken Saro-Wiwa, for the region as a whole. Delta NGOs have undertaken a variety of dialogue and conflict prevention initiatives. However, civil society  representatives warn that violence will escalate if the Nigerian authorities do not address its root causes. The detention of community leaders, like Dokubo Asari,  might also spark further conflict.

Governance

Nigeria's military governments centralized control of the oil industry under the presidency. The 1969 Petroleum Act transferred all energy earnings to the federal  government and the 1978 Land Use Act assigned all land ownership to state governments. [24] The 1999 Constitution further vests predominant powers in the  executive branch. The constitution does, however, stipulate that 13% of oil revenues be returned to the oil-producing states in addition to their share of revenues  distributed to all 36 states. President Obasanjo also serves as oil minister, thereby limiting public scrutiny of the country's corrupt oil sector.[25]

Corruption

Corruption undermines economic growth, jeopardizes financial stability, and undermines confidence in government institutions. It also leads to criminality that has  corrosive effects on governance and the rule of law. Transparency International ranks Nigeria 152 out of 159 countries in its corruption index.[26] Federal and state  governments have stolen or wasted $380 billion since the country became independent in 1960.[27] The culture of corruption is pervasive affecting state government as  well as local officials; 31 of the 36 state governors are currently under investigation for crimes and corruption.[28]

The fact that Nigeria's coffers are awash in oil revenue further fuels corruption by national and local political elites. All state government allocations are given directly  to the governor by the federal government, who is then supposed to distribute funds to local governments. Allocations to state governments are sizable. Rivers State,  for instance, received $74 million and Bayelsa State $57.6 million in July 2006.[29] In practice, governors withhold large portions of such allocations for dubious  projects, which are frequently awarded to cronies. Kingpin politicians are the primary beneficiaries of oil bunkering operations.

For example, the governor of Bayelsa State was recently impeached for corruption. It was discovered that he used public funds to acquire several multimillion dollar  properties in the United Kingdom, set-up seven British bank accounts, and buy a yacht.

Elections

Local and international monitors reported ballot stuffing and tally altering during elections in 1999 and 2003. According to the European Union, the 2003 elections fell  far short of international standards for a free and fair ballot. Opposition parties were shut out of nearly all layers of government leaving voters with no real political  choices and no alternatives for social action. Election victors in the Niger Delta, nearly all members of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), are firmly aligned  with party barons that put them in office.

Serious concern exists about elections scheduled for April 2007. There is widespread speculation that President Obasanjo's supporters may provoke a national crisis  to justify a delay or annulment. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is grossly unprepared and, in a strategy of calculated incompetence  reminiscent of 2003, local monitors warn that INEC could declare that it is unable to organize the election, and thus give President Obasanjo the opportunity to  declare a state of emergency and extend his term in office. 

Oil companies

Shell, Mobil, Chevron, Agip, Elf, and Texaco are major partners with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, which retains 55-60% [30] of earnings from joint  ventures and heavily taxes the balance.[31] These companies have been criticized in recent years for their environmental practices in the Niger Delta. They have also  drawn fire for assisting the Nigerian military and endorsing its heavy-handed tactics.[32]

Kidnappings of Nigerian and foreign oil workers have increased in recent years.  In 2004, Shell acknowledged that its business practices had inadvertently  contributed to conflict, poverty, and corruption.[33] Shell and several other oil companies have sought to address the situation by taking steps to improve their human  rights practices and channel more development funds directly to communities. The Nigerian Extractive Industries Initiative (NEITI) holds companies and the  government to a series of rights standards and best practices. It also requires regular audits. The first such audit was held in 2005. In early 2006, the federal  government revealed a significant discrepancy between what the oil companies paid to government and what the government recorded. Community leaders routinely  complain that promised funds often do not arrive, or that the companies do not follow through on their commitments.

A local NGO leader warns: "The people are tired of government corruption, killing and stealing.  Frustration is rising and things are getting worse. There is real  concern about an outbreak of violence across Nigeria. Violence will explode, especially in the Niger Delta, if there is any rigging or attempts to stop the election."[34]

The Way Forward

Fundamental problems must be addressed to reduce the likelihood of conflict escalation:

* The people of the Niger Delta have no duly elected representation at any level of government and thus have no formal political voice.

* The Niger Delta produces the majority of Nigeria's wealth, but still enjoys only a small portion of its returns.

*The rise of the militias in the Niger Delta is a direct result of massive unemployment and lack of socio-economic development.

* Wealth earmarked for the Niger Delta is substantial, but it is largely stolen by politicians and their supporters who benefit from continued crisis.

* The Niger Delta's ethnic diversity has been manipulated by political leaders to keep communities from collaborating on region-wide initiatives.

Nigeria's new government can demonstrate its credibility by taking the following steps: 

Elections

The 2007 elections must not become the spark that ignites the Niger Delta's simmering fuse. Under no circumstances should the elections be postponed or the  constitution amended to prevent the peaceful transition of power. The international community should impress upon President Obasanjo the opprobrium Nigeria  would face if he manipulates events to try to hang onto power.

Nigerians must be confident that the electoral process is free and fair. To this end, the international community should support Nigerian monitoring groups and deploy  large numbers of international monitors across the country, including to the Niger Delta states. Monitors should not parachute-in, but, rather, stay in-country until all  the votes are counted and the results are verified. International donors can also help by supporting voter education and providing technical assistance to INEC.  Nigerian authorities should facilitate the registration of international election monitors. Empowering an ombudsman to receive complaints from civil society  representatives and INEC personnel about irregularities would enhance transparency and accountability. Special attention should also be paid to protect the free  functioning of political opposition parties.

Corruption

Nigeria's federal and state governments should more adequately resource official anti-corruption bodies such as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission  (EFCC). Donors should also finance NGOs working in the field of anti-corruption. To show that that it is serious about cracking down, the government should  prosecute high-profile violators, including presidential allies. Reducing the number of officials covered by constitutional immunity would demonstrate that no one is  above the law. Setting-up regional branches of the national anti-corruption commissions and a new anti-corruption ombudsman – supported by passage of the  Freedom of Information Act – would help enhance the watchdog function of local communities.

Development

More equitable development is critical to mollifying aggrieved Niger Delta residents. The 2005 NEITI audit of oil revenues should be published ensuring that oil  companies in NEITI are fulfilling their obligations. Remaining companies that have not signed onto NEITI should do so. To make sure that government projects  actually meet local needs, civil society groups should be more extensively involved in development planning by government agencies and international donors. Oil  companies can enhance socio-economic development by training and hiring local residents. They could also establish a "Community Investment Fund" channeling a  specific percentage of gross revenues directly to local community organizations working in the fields of health, education, micro-credit, and infrastructure  development.[35] The Niger Delta Development Corporation (NDDC) should be eliminated in order to reduce bureaucracy. Eliminating the NDDC would also enable  more funds to be channeled directly to community associations, in a context of proper auditing and community oversight.

Environment

The Community Investment Fund could also support clean-up, conservation and restoration activities. In addition, oil companies should clean up oil spills and  eliminate gas flares. They should also provide special compensation to communities devastated by environmental degradation. The expanded use of renewable energy  technologies would further reduce dependence on fossil fuels thereby limiting damage to local ecosystems.

Security

It is unrealistic to expect local militias to disarm, demobilize and reintegrate until after upcoming elections. Even then, Nigerian authorities will have to take verifiable  steps to address problems before local militias give up the gun. Meanwhile, oil companies can start building confidence by phasing out their security payments to  official security agencies and militia groups, emphasizing instead "community based security" for site protection. Future disarmament efforts should be based on a  sustainable package of amnesty, weapons buyouts, job programs, and sensible law enforcement initiatives.

Methodology

This report is based on field interviews and secondary research. International and Nigerian experts have also contributed.

Signatories

We, the undersigned Nobel laureates, associate ourselves with the enclosed findings and recommendations (as of December 1, 2006):

Peter Agre, Nobel Prize,  Chemistry (2003);

 George A. Akerlof, Nobel Prize, Economics (2001);

 Philip W. Anderson, Nobel Prize, Physics (1977);

 Richard Axel, Nobel Prize, Medicine  (2004);

 Kenneth J. Arrow, Nobel Prize, Economics (1972);

 J. Georg Bednorz, Nobel Prize, Physics (1987);

 Baruj Benacerraf, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1980);

 Paul  Berg, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1980);

 Günter Blobel, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1999);

 Sydney Brenner, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2002);

 Linda B. Buck, Nobel Prize,  Medicine (2004);

 Thomas R. Cech, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1989);

 Steven Chu, Nobel Prize, Physics (1987);

 Aaron Ciechanover, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2004);

  John M. Coetzee, Nobel Prize, Literature (2003);

 Claude Cohen-Tannoudji, Nobel Prize, Physics (1997);

 Mairead Corrigan Maguire, Nobel Prize, Peace (1976);

  Robert F. Curl Jr., Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1996);

 Johann Deisenhofer, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1988);

 Peter C. Doherty, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1996);

 Christian  de Duve, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1974);

 Richard R. Ernst, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1991);

 Edmond H. Fischer, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1992);

 Val Fitch, Nobel  Prize, Physics (1980);

 Jerome I. Friedman, Nobel Prize, Physics (1990);

 Sheldon Lee Glashow, Nobel Prize, Physics (1979);

 Clive W.J. Granger, Nobel Prize,  Economics (2003);

 Paul Greengard, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2000);

 David Gross, Nobel Prize, Physics (2004);

 Roger Guillemin, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1977);

  Leland H. Hartwell, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2001);

 Alan J. Heeger, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2000);

 Dudley R. Herschbach, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1986);

 Avram  Hershko, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2004);

 Antony Hewish, Nobel Prize, Physics (1974);

 Roald Hoffmann, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1981);

 Eric R. Kandel, Nobel  Prize, Medicine (2000);

 Aaron Klug, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1982);

 Herbert Kroemer, Nobel Prize, Physics (2000);

 Sir Harold W. Kroto, Nobel Prize, Chemistry  (1996);

 Leon M. Lederman, Nobel Prize, Physics (1988);

 Jean-Marie Lehn, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1987);

 Yuan T. Lee, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1986);

 Craig C.  Mello, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2006);

 Robert C. Merton, Nobel Prize, Economics (1997);

 Robert A. Mundell, Nobel Prize, Economics (1999);

 Erwin Neher,  Nobel Prize, Medicine (1991);

 Marshall W. Nirenberg, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1968);

 Douglas D. Osheroff, Nobel Prize, Physics (1996);

 Harold Pinter, Nobel  Prize, Literature (2005);

 John C. Polanyi, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1986);

 Stanley B. Prusiner, Nobel Prize, Medicine (1997);

 José Ramos-Horta, Nobel Prize,  Peace (1996);

 Burton Richter, Nobel Prize, Physics (1976);

 Irwin Rose, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2004);

 Jens C. Skou, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1997);

 John E.  Sulston, Nobel Prize, Medicine (2002);

 Gerardus 't Hooft, Nobel Prize, Physics (1999);

 Daniel C. Tsui, Nobel Prize, Physics (1998);

 Klaus von Klitzing, Nobel  Prize, Physics (1985);

 John E. Walker, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (1997);

 Elie Wiesel, Nobel Prize, Peace (1986);

 Frank Wilczek, Nobel Prize, Physics (2004);

 Betty  Williams, Nobel Prize, Peace (1976);

 Kurt Wüthrich, Nobel Prize, Chemistry (2002)

Robot  Villager

# 1 The Commission of Nobel Laureates on Peace, Equity and Development in the Niger Delta Region of ...Read the full article. Posted by Robot| 02.12.2006 10:21

No Smoking  Villager

# 2 The write-up covered a good deal of the background problems from the oil exploration industry in the Niger Delta. It is surprising that our own indigenous Nobel Laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka and the other African winner, Desmond Tutu, have not been listed among the signatories on the paper. Were they invited to participate, or were they ignored as insignificant? If they were ignored, then the paper should be tossed into the shredder. Under the recommendations titled: The way forward, the writers stated; The people of the Niger Delta have no duly elected representation at any level of government and thus have no formal political voice. Was that an innocent howler or a calculated mischief?? The writers should have found out that each state has THREE senators, FIVE MPs at the National Assembly, Abuja, & then proportional reps for each LG area in the State's House of Assembly. That gaffe in the paper is unacceptable from such an august group!!! Posted by No Smoking| 02.12.2006 11:55

ula-lisa  Villager

# 3 I guess I can now properly constitute a panel of reputable africans to deal now with the maltreatment of African-Americans and Jammos in the Western Hemisphere; I'd be given resources by all the Foundations and no one would label me 'Menace to society'. Too much like another attempt at Berlin Conference all over. Very patronizing!!! Posted by ula-lisa| 02.12.2006 12:15