24 Mar 2009 |
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It is open season on the obvious failings of Africa, Africans, and the black race. So established is the cottage industry of Africa-bashing that some Africans have giddily gotten in on the act, spewing self-immolating theories that only serve to deepen the stereotypes of the degenerate and inferior black man. None of these purveyors of self-demeaning clichés has stirred as much outrage as Idang Alibi, who writes a regular column for Nigerian daily, Daily Trust. I recently stumbled on one of his columns titled “I have a Tribe and am Proud of it.” It was a response to a piece crafted by Farooq Kperogi and published in the paper and on Nigeriavillagesquare.com, a major internet discursive destination for Nigerians. Kperogi had deconstructed the sinister, racist underpinnings and connotations of the word “tribe,” contending persuasively that not only is the word a bequest of past hegemonic oppressions—of which Africans were victims—but that it is implicated even in today’s effort by Western hegemons to emphasize Africans’ supposed congenital (as opposed to material) backwardness. Kperogi’s argument is simple: the etymology of the word renders it unusable for today’s sociological descriptions because, for good or ill, the word is now a stand-in for immutable inferiority, genetic predisposition to backwardness, and providential consignment to low status. Moreover, tribe is a term of power that worked and continues to work insidiously to reinforce the dubious narratives of European superiority while constituting its starkest opposite—the myth of the brute, rustic, tribal African. It is easy to sit in Abuja and pontificate about tribal virtue and about the insignificance of fighting against dirty words like tribe when you are insulated from its quotidian psychological injuries. For those of us who teach Africa to Westerners for a living and routinely encounter the most offensive deployments and usages of the “T” word, Kperogi’s intervention was a soothing balm, a welcome music of enlightenment deserving wide dissemination among Africans who rarely question the word or reject it from their conversational lexicons. For Idang Alibi, however, Kperogi’s piece disturbed a settled personal narrative of Africa’s inferiority and European superiority. Hence his shocking appropriation and glorification of “tribe” in all its insulting flavor. To be sure, Alibi is not the only African to have wondered aloud if Africans were not created inferior to Europeans. In off-handed conversational outbursts borne out of the daily existential grind of African life, some Africans have called attention to the many material failings of the black man, invoking comparisons between that and the material achievements of the Caucasian zone. This can be excused as outgrowths of fleeting existential frustrations. Suffering and stress inspire irrational self-examination that, in retrospect and in moments of rational calm, appears foolish and shallow. Alibi’s Afropessimist self-labeling is of a different variety. It depends for its nourishment on the appropriation of the vilest strains of racist discourses recycled from different moments and systems of racist oppression—eugenics, colonialism, Apartheid. His proud embrace of “tribe” and its associative connotations—inferiority, inadequacy, and evolutionary puniness—is encased not in momentary frustration but in the internalization of the most reprehensible racist tropes. For him, Africa’s observable material backwardness—the source of most rational Afropessimists’ cynical self-deprecation—is actually coterminous with a preexisting natural disposition to idiocy, unintelligence, and backwardness. For Alibi, Africans are trapped in a preordained backwardness, whose most familiar signifier—tribe—they must accept. It is no use rejecting who—and what—you are. And will always be. Rejecting the word tribe is, according to Alibi, rejecting who you have been destined to be. This tragic thinking is, as anyone can see, a disgusting reclamation of nineteenth century eugenicist racist science. It also echoes the religious racist rationalizations of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC) variety—the ideological progenitor of Apartheid in South Africa. God—or providence—has decreed that Africans live in backward, unorganized, and uncivilized tribes and that Europeans associate in sophisticated, civilized nations. The DRC and the political architects of Apartheid took this racist contraption to its logical programmatic conclusion, decreeing that it was God’s divine plan for the tribal (inferior) Africans to serve their superior European nationalist conquerors and for the civilized European settlers to superintend Africans. The small distinction between colonialists and the guardians of Apartheid was that colonial racism cleared a small space and allowed a small chance in some distant future for Africans to progress from grunting tribes to responsible nations—with the help of European tutelage, of course. Like Idang Alibi, the ideologues of Apartheid admitted no such possibility, positing that Africans are meant to be tribes, Europeans to be civilized nations, and that each should be happy with its location on the evolutionary rung erected by providence. Alibi’s happy appropriation of “tribe” and its associations reflects his willingness, as an African, to reconcile himself—pragmatically, he would argue—with his inferior position in the world. He knows his place in the world and is happy to dwell there, even if that happy tribal place was invented for Africans by conceited Europeans. For him therefore Kperogi is being an unrealistic idealist, rejecting the natural order of things that assigned an inferior tribal status to Africans and a superior national one to Europeans. Many long-discredited racial arts and sciences are wrapped up in Alibi’s naïve defense of the descriptive and analytical utility of the word tribe and its denigrating associations. Some of them are more racist than others. One of the milder ones, which I suspect is the precursor to Alibi’s theories of tribal virtue, is negritude, which, like Alibi’s treatise, naively and unwittingly concedes and appropriates the white man’s taxonomy of racio-evolutionary hierarchy. Like Alibi, the negritude thinkers were Africans who accepted the white man’s self-interested designation of Africa as a land of congenital irrationality, superstition, emotionalism, and rustic oneness with nature. They also accepted without question the opposite side of the binary, also invented by Europeans for self-serving hegemonic purposes: the myth of European genetic disposition to rationality, sophistication, and civilization. It has long become passé to repeat that negritude nonsense. And perceptive intellectual contemporaries of the negritudists like Wole Soyinka as well as other perceptive African evaluators of negritude writings have since called attention to their inadvertent and naïve appropriation of the most damaging, most fundamental racist assumptions in the European hegemonic toolkit. The negritude thinkers thought they could take a negative, European hegemonic invention of African inferiority, empty it of all negative connotations, and fill it up with positive contents. If they accepted that Africans were not rational but emotional creatures—as had been theorized by Eurocentric racists—but glorified this emotionalism as a site for the production of art, music, poetry, and other intangible “civilizational” virtues, they would defeat the racism that inspired the theories of Africa’s exotic eccentricity. They failed woefully. Instead of inverting the racist discourses they were trying to undo, they reinforced them. They left unchallenged the untenable, racist premise from which the rationality-emotionalism divide between Europe and Africa was invented. In fact, the negritude thinkers only succeeded in emboldening the connoisseurs of racist exoticizing of Africa. The tribalization of Africa only proliferated. It seems like where the negritude thinkers failed, Alibi is determined to succeed. Let’s hear him. Alibi says he would be violating God’s divine plan and would be questioning the Almighty’s wisdom if he rejected his “tribe” just because God had not deposited him in “some powerful ‘nation’ in Europe or the Americas.” But this proposition is at best a straw man, since men—hegemonic European men—and not God authored the descriptive category of tribe and invented for Europeans its paradigmatic senior—nation. God did not put Alibi or any other African in a tribe or Europeans in a nation. European people seeking to both Orientalize and dominate Africans did. So, to reject the European imposition of that label is to reject European hegemony in a significant symbolic territory. It is not to reject the sociological design of God as Alibi tragically assumes. The two categories of tribe and nation that have now come to stand for civilized and uncivilized, intelligent and stupid are products of European sociolinguistic imaginations. Europeans have also been responsible for investing the two terms with connotative hegemonic meanings and for their incremental morphing into racist, evolutionary descriptors. The smug theory of divine preordination that Alibi espouses is dangerous for Africans because it leaves intact the external classifications through which Europe understands Africa and Africans, while pretending to promote African pride. The truth is that there are many independent platforms for asserting African pride that do not pander to or appropriate the “nativist” fantasies and hegemonic inventions of Europe. Tribe is one of the most insidious of such inventions. Nor is it true that you can simply decolonize the word and put it into a new, proud use. Let Alibi ask the negritude thinkers about that. Alibi argues that “if others [Europeans] say we behave like cannibals and savages and so call us ‘tribesmen’….., the right response….is not to fight with words. The correct thing to do is to examine ourselves and see whether what they are saying about us is true or not.” The shock and horror of this postulation is such that one’s outrage can blur the window that it provides into the pathological malaise of self-hate that afflicts its author. Alibi is suggesting that if white racists call Africans monkeys and baboons and question the very essence of our humanity, the appropriate response is to dignify such drivel with an examination of our anatomical, psychological, and cognitive markers to ascertain the descriptive truthfulness of such racist depictions. Wow! Is this fellow for real? Can he possibly be arguing that the best answer to racist insults (even those disguised as scientific theories) is self-examination on the basis of those same insults? Is he arguing that those who hawk racist lies and inventions deserve the added satisfaction of having their fabrications glorified into a scientifically testable hypothesis about the black man’s innate biological or psychological deficits? It's no wonder that when Dr. James Watson courted notoriety by questioning the intelligence of Africans, Idang Alibi wrote a self-violating piece identifying with Watson's racist sentiments and proudly displaying his uncritical acceptance of the myths of white superiority and African degeneracy. Well, I tell him this: not only is it the right strategy to use words (packaged in harsh polemical prose) to fight against such racist insults, it is pertinent to go further and reject and unpack the labels, concepts, and words whose hegemonic history and usage elicit such sheepish accommodation of racist stereotyping from Alibi. It is necessary to also inform Africans like Alibi that, whether they are conscious of it or not, they are deeply implicated in the embattled concepts they are rehabilitating, that they are in fact victims of and proof that these hegemonic linguistic deployments are powerful instruments of mental cooptation. Alibi also declared that, “if you do not like something about your person or the tribe, ethnic group or national or supra-nation (sic) group you come from, do something urgently to change things. Do not spend precious time disputing mere words and symbols.” So, again, Alibi’s answer to the devaluation of African collectivities through the use of the word tribe is to prescribe that those forced into this disempowering sociolinguistic conundrum change their ways to escape the insulting declarations of their insulters. How ingenious! Once again, he prescribes a formula by which the African or group of Africans put down by racist constructs internalizes the insult, accepts blame for provoking it, and obsequiously changes their ways to exit the cloud of insult imposed on them. Unmentioned—and unindicted—in this self-defeatist narrative is the big elephant in the room: white racism and its socio-linguistic techniques of vilification and devaluation. To cap his tragic position, Alibi says “tribe” and its linguistic relatives that serve to put down Africans and to elevate and secure the primacy of European hegemony are “mere words and symbols” that are undeserving of serious attention. The naivety of this pronouncement is galling beyond belief. Every project of domination in human history and especially on the African continent (slavery, colonialism, Apartheid, neocolonialism) has been prefaced and accompanied by the strategic deployment of benign-sounding words and symbols that perform two related functions: deceive the victims into accepting or tolerating their fate and demarcate the artificial evolutional hierarchies that sustain oppression and domination. Clearly, Alibi is not familiar with the symbolic subtleties and stealthy linguistic technologies of domination, oppression, and exploitation. These are not mere words. They are instruments that facilitate more brutally physical forms of oppression. To this day, these words and symbols perform this sinister role and victimize unsuspecting and self-immolating Africans like Idang Alibi.
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