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Sunday Musings: The Ogebe
Ruling, the Measure of (Substantial) Non-Compliance and a Missed Opportunity
By Mobolaji Aluko
alukome@gmail.com
Burtonsville, MD, USA
March 2 , 2008
INTRODUCTION
Despite Presidential Petition
Tribunal Chairman Ogenyi Ogebe's absence from the bench on Judgment Day
February 26, 2008, this ruling shall be referred to as the Ogebe Ruling for
eternity. It is the worst election-related ruling in Nigeria's history,
and has the singular dishonor of accompanying the worst set of elections
ever in Nigeria's history - those superintended in April 2007 by Dr.
Maurice Iwu. It trumps the "12 is 2.3rd of
19" debacle of 1979, ascribed more to the NPN lawyer Richard
Akinjide who proffered that disingenuous argument to the Justice Kazeem and his
Petition Tribunal team.
The extreme partisan, on reading my
characterization of the Ogebe Ruling as worst-ever will probably cry
"Foul!", stating that it was because the ruling did not go my way,
that is why I decry it. Absolutely not. Rather, it is the abysmal lack of
remorse which the ruling showed despite a welter of flaws recorded by
international and domestic observers and admitted even by Umar Musa Yar'Adua
himself; the mocking levity and lack of majesty with which it was
delivered; and the implications of the ruling for the remaining petition
tribunals for the current election cycle; and most importantly the
implication for future elections in Nigeria, eg 2011, that give one
palpitations out of fear for the future of democracy in our dear country.
THE BASIS OFOUR ANGST
"MINIATURE COMPLAINTS"
Let us provide three examples which
the Ruling characterized as violations and/or "miniature complaints."
of the petitioners.
First, to wipe out 95% of
petitioner General Muhammadu Buhari's witnesses because of a procedural
violation (swearing on oath over depositions before a lawful Notary Public who
was in the employment of petitioner), while minimizing the non-swearing of oath
of possibly tens of thousands of electoral officers is unconscionable.
From twenty-one witnesses, Buhari was left with just two witnesses, both
of which were deemed by the court to have inconsequential evidence to offer..
Secondly, to admit there was indeed "substantial violation of the
Electoral Act" due to non-serialization and perforation of the tens of
millions of ballot papers, and yet to minimize the possible effect of this
illegal omission on the election results is patently absurd. Thirdly
and finally - what about Atiku Abubakar's technical exclusion from the
elections, being forced on the ballot only five days before the Presidential
Election of April 21 by a Supreme Court injunction? Or his being
disallowed from public campaigning following an Inspector General of Police'
banning of rallies? Or this: Prior to that forced inclusion, the
party logos, names and faces of presidential candidates were announced to be
included in the ballot, and sample ballots loudly displayed. After the
Supreme Court ruling requiring Atiku's inclusion, the names and faces were
dropped.
The Ogebe Ruling observed that
there was indeed evidence of "an attempt to set up barriers to Atiku's
candidacy between the nomination date and April 16
.which should not be".
The ruling also kept mute over the clear violation of the Electoral Act which
requires a minimum of thirty days and a maximum of one-hundred-and-twenty days
for a candidate to be published PRIOR to the Election Day. How then could
the Panel Judges proceed to jokingly dismiss all of these
observation as "miniature complaints"?
THE NEBULOUS NOTION OF
SUBSTANTIAL NON-COMPLIANCE
The legal basis for all of these
dismissals was that there was no evidence that these "miniature
complaints" amounted on aggregate to "substantial
non-compliance" But of what? It could not be of the Electoral
Act, since the Judges themselves had admitted clear violations, at least with
respect of the non-serialization and bias shown in "attempting" to
exclude Atiku.
More importantly, what really then
is the STANDARD or MEASURE of this non-compliance? What makes a
particular non-compliance SUBSTANTIAL and another NON-SUBSTANTIAL? Are we
talking of a binary digital measure here 0 or 1 or a continuous measure
0% to 100%?
For it to be binary, it could ONLY
be if the substantial non-compliance is with respect to some predetermined
election outcome, absent these complaints. That is: we expected
Yar'Adua to win. He won. So what is the problem? This of course is
the Party line of the PDP, and of those who argue without proof that Buhari and
Atiku could not have beaten Yar'Adua in the April 2007 elections as if
they were diviners. If that were the case, why then did we need to waste
time and money and effort going through the motion of elections? Why
don't we just poll the diviners and decide the winner from their majority?
Or is it a continuous measure?
If it is, then the only criteria
that I see are two:
- Measure
1: the number of polling stations in the country was purportedly 120,000.
If you have provable evidence of rigging in no polling station at all, you
score 0%, if in all, you score 100%. In between, you get a score
accordingly, by dividing by 1200..
- Measure
2: the number of ballot papers used in the country was purportedly 65 million
(total ballots) or 36 million (ballots cast).. If you have no provable
evidence of rigging in any of the ballot papers, you score 0%; if in all you
score 100%. In between, you get a score, by dividing by 650,000 or
360,000 as the case may be..
Similar measures might be concocted
for legislative and state elections, depending on jurisdiction.
So as far as the Justices are
concerned, if a continuous measure is to be used, what are the
grades for A, B, C, D and F here? 90 and above, 80, 70, 60, 50 and
below respectively? And is C and below in ANY ONE of the measures
what they term substantial non-compliance or is it in BOTH measures
above?
Inquiring minds want to know.
The Justices need to let the Nigerian people know, otherwise this
nebulous concept of substantial non-compliance is subject to gratuitous and
egregious capriciousness in all rulings, and is capable of destroying Nigeria's
electoral democracy for ever. Never mind the notion that a
particular ruling can be REVERSED in higher court, yet such reversal in itself
can equally be egregious capricious in the absence of objective standards and
measures.
IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE
ELECTIONS
I submit that a careful reading of
the Ogebe Ruling is an open manual for those who would rig elections in the
future even more than what we had in 2007 as if that were possible. Ayo
Obe has recently rightly called it "A Charter for Dishonest
Elections." http://www.nigerianmuse.com
/nigeriawatch/2007/A_Charter
_for_Dishonest_Elections_Essay
_by_Ayo_Obe
Take the issue of non-swearing by
INEC officials. If ANY refusal to swear by an INEC official has no
consequences, why does ANY INEC official have to swear at all? Suppose
ALL 500,000 of them refuse to swear, then what? Why do we have that
requirement in the Electoral Act at all if its violation can be so easily
dismissed by the wave of a hand?
Or take the issue of
non-serialization of ballot papers. In short, these ballot papers were
ILLEGAL, period, no question about it, as what constitutes a ballot paper is
CLEARLY spelt out in the Electoral Act 2006.. This time around, the Atiku
exclusion episode was the reason for the emergency, but what prevents a
deliberate delay of funds to be the reason for the next cycle? Taking it
further: What then prevents a local Electoral Commissioner, arguing from
expediency eg that the official ballots did not arrive on time from Abuja
from contacting a local printer in Ado-Ekiti to print any set of ballot papers
and then proceeding to administer the same in the Ekiti portion of the elections?
[I read an essayist Michael
Egbejumi-David recently ask pointedly whether the lack of serial numbers on our
currency can now be used to discredit him when he decides to spend some of
it.. Go figure. http://www.nigerianmuse.com
/nigeriawatch/2007/Are_We_Ever
_Going_to_Get_It_Right_Michael
_Egbejumi_David ]
Finally, what about the exclusion
of Atiku? Curiously, the Electoral Act allows the CONSIDERATION of
postponement of elections in the event that a candidate dies within a
stipulated time apparently a device to dissuade deliberate assassination of
co-candidates by others. However, suppose we have a situation in
which a candidate is KIDNAPPED and held INCOMMUNICADO from the day of his
nomination to just four to five days to the election, only to be released
then. Would that not be a serious violation of the Electoral Law - an
exclusion as it were?
It is for the above reasons, and
more, that I consider this Ogebe Ruling a legal howler, which must be tested
and hopefully upturned at the Supreme Court, otherwise we are in serious
trouble as a country.
A MISSED OPPORTUNITY
All that could go wrong in any
election went wrong: unlawful exclusion of candidates; wrong or missing names,
logos and pictures on ballots; delayed ballot arrival; no ballot arrivals at
all and hence no voting; thuggery; use of army and police in thumb-printing and
beating up of opponents; ballot stuffing; missing or altered election result
sheets; corrupt announcement of wrong results; etc., etc. Just think of
it, name it, and all went wrong as observed by international and domestic
monitors.
Consequently, uneasiness with the
seriously flawed elections which brought Yar'Adua was profound among many
Nigerians.
Nevertheless, speaking with
hundreds of Nigerians since the April 2007 elections, I have been impressed
with the happiness that has attended the disappearance of the fractious years of
Obasanjo administration, years of haranguing the nation and a boorish approach
to governance populated by presidential-aides-as-loudmouth
s who would
abuse anybody at the behest of President Obasanjo. That regime has been
replaced with a more genteel albeit too slow administration of Umar Musa
Yar'Adua. Nigerians were further pleased by the fact that Yar'Adua
himself has admitted the deep flaws countless of times.
Thus many Nigerians that I have
spoken to would actually want Yar'Adua to continue in office, but would not
admit it openly out of a fear of accusation of "anti-party
activities." Nevertheless, they had hoped that the Ogebe Ruling would
SOMEHOW be far more balanced than it was and not as UNHINGED as it really is
and somehow graciously give Yar'Adua more conciliatory wiggle-room among the
opposition to maneouver himself into their hearts.
All the above makes the Ogebe
Ruling more jarring. This is because the notion now fostered by the
ruling is that those elections were near perfect, and that it is only a lazy
opposition and its allegedly incompetent counsels that could not prove its
case. What does that conclusion then make of the much-touted Electoral
Reforms which Yar'Adua is attempting to foist on the nation? Are those
now not superfluous, and should his Electoral Reforms Committee not be
disbanded?
The opportunity to give Yar'Adua
more wiggle-room has now been lost, because of the simple arrogance and
in-your-face judgment which has been simply atrocious. The impunity
is galling. Events leading up to the judgment, particularly the elevation
of Justice Ogenyi Ogebe to the Supreme Court, also simply exposed
Yar'Adua as just another political operative who would do anything necessary
you remember the do-or-die mentality - to remain in power. Before
all of these happenings, that was NOT the Yar'Adua that many knew. After
these happenings, his virgin innocence has now disappeared.
Only the Supreme Court can sew it
back.
Finally, it is clear that Raila
Odinga's party's refusal to go to court after the daylight election robbery in
Kenya was wise, for it has now forced a major rapprochement between the Mwai
Kibaki and Raila Odinga in a new power-sharing agreement negotiated under the
watchful eyes of Kofi Annan.. Our own Election Petition Tribunal ruling
indicates that when it matters most, fair judgment may not be expected, and if
care is not taken, people may in future take matters in their hands in a manner
reminiscent of Kenya's post-election killing fields.
We pray not.
Bibliography
http://www.nigerianmuse.com
/nigeriawatch/2007/THURSDAY
_ESSAY_Now_That_I_am_Fairly
_Recovered_from_the_Presidentia
l_Petition_Tribunal_Ruling_of
_February_26
THURSDAY ESSAY: - Now That I am
Fairly Recovered from the Presidential Petition Tribunal Ruling of February
26......, By Bolaji Aluko
http://www.nigerianmuse.com
/essays/SATURDAY_ESSAY_Why
_Nigeria_s_2007_Presidential
_Election_will_be_Canceled_on
_Super_Tuesday_Or_Should_Be
SATURDAY ESSAY - Why Nigeria's 2007
Presidential Election will be Canceled on Super-Tuesday Or Should Be, by Bolaji Aluko
http://www.nigerianmuse.com
/essays/TUESDAY_ESSAY_On_Today
_s_Prononuncement_of_the
_Presidential_Petition_Panel
_For_Yar_Adua_Jonathan_and
_Against_Buhari_Atiku_Some
_Quick_First_Impressions
TUESDAY ESSAY - On Today's
Prononuncement of the Presidential Petition Panel For Yar'Adua/Jonathan and
Against Buhari/Atiku - Some Quick First Impressions, by Bolaji Aluko

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Posted by Robot| 02.03.2008 23:56