Paradox of public officers 

By Levi Obijiofor 

Friday, 5 October 2007 

The Nigerian public scene is like a performing arts complex: each player emerges momentarily, performs his or her role and vacates the stage. Public officers who exit from their official duties often adopt a quiet life and move on to other professional career challenges. And media attention focuses on the current performers. It’s like a revolving door. One performer goes in, another steps out. Over the past 10 years, the nation has seen and experienced public officers who excelled in their tasks. But there were others whose emergence on the public scene was preceded by slapstick performances. There were also those who figuratively begged their way to ministerial positions. 

One man who really lit up Olusegun Obasanjo’s presidency, including the failed third term project, was Femi Fani-Kayode, a special assistant on public communication to the president. As special assistant, Fani-Kayode thoroughly abused everyone who disagreed with his boss. When Fani-Kayode was listed for ministerial appointment, his nomination was viewed as an aberration in light of his reputation as the president’s attack dog. As fate would have it, the same senators who were the victims of Fani-Kayode’s verbal slanging match relished an opportunity to confront the man. It was a chance to get even with their tormentor.  

The real drama about Fani-Kayode’s double face emerged when he came face-to-face with senators during his ministerial screening. Rather than talk tough, he chose (wisely) to preface his performance with a surprise apology designed to soften the temperament of the senators. Fani-Kayode told the senators: “I want to use this opportunity to apologise to all those I may have offended in the course of doing my job. The regret that I have during the job is hurting some people.”  

It was unthinkable that Fani-Kayode, appropriately nicknamed “Obasanjo’s Alsatian”, would ever admit openly to his verbal excesses during his term as a presidential aide. But there were questions about the sincerity of his apology. Was the apology borne out of authentic feelings of self-flagellation for his display of infantile bravado during his job as presidential assistant? Was Fani-Kayode merely putting up a front to persuade the senators to confirm him as a potential minister? Extremely obsequious presidential aides and public office seekers tend to make improvised confessions such as this in order to get what they want. For Fani-Kayode, the prize was a ministerial appointment. 

Fani-Kayode actually had a defence for his frequent use of colourful language in public. He told the senators: “I was the President’s armour bearer and I had to take the bullets and I was certainly not brought up hurting people.” This kind of weak-kneed, condescending justification will never heal the wounds of all those who still wear on their skin the scars of Fani-Kayode’s insults. No public servant should insult other people deliberately on the basis that he or she is performing a job as a presidential assistant. The selection criteria for a presidential assistant on public communication do not include familiarity with abusive terms contained in the dictionary of insults.  

Beyond Fani-Kayode, the trajectory of the rise and sudden fall of two political leaders should serve as a lesson on the impermanence of political life. Adolphus Wabara, former senate president, and Fabian Osuji, former federal education minister, lost their positions in 2005 following serious allegations of bribery involving the sum of N54 million that he (Wabara) and some federal parliamentarians allegedly collected from the then education minister Osuji. Osuji’s ministerial job was terminated by Obasanjo. Wabara quit as senate president on April 5, 2005.  

Wabara is fighting to clear his name in the court. He insists he is innocent of the allegations made against him. His enemies are not so sure. Sooner or later, the courts will resolve the case. In and out of office, Wabara and Osuji remain “persons of interest” but not in the manner that police officers use the phrase. Where is Wabara? Is he running a consulting firm on how to survive damaging political scandals? Has he taken up a job as shadow adviser to Patricia Etteh? As a veteran of a major political scandal, Wabara’s experience should serve Etteh well. 

The paradox of public life in Nigeria extends also to the eccentricities of Chris Ngige and Chinwoke Mbadinuju, two former governors of Anambra State. The two men governed in contrasting styles and they left office in different circumstances. While Ngige was forced out of office by a Supreme Court ruling, Mbadinuju was dumped by the People’s Democratic Party leaders ahead of the 2003 governorship election. Ngige and Mbadinuju experienced turbulent times from their political financiers. Strangely, Ngige and Mbadinuju were unknown in Nigeria’s political firmament. Ngige was sponsored by Chris Uba while Mbadinuju was the political son of Emeka Offor. But the relationships did not last. Ngige and Chris Uba fought themselves openly and intermittently on the streets of Awka.  

The losers in the mini-wars that lasted for eight years were the people of Anambra State. But, in Anambra, things change so quickly. A political godfather can become a political villain overnight. Chris Uba, a troublemaker largely dreaded in the state, has been rendered powerless. He now lives like a hermit. On the eve of the governorship election in Anambra State five months ago, the unthinkable happened. Chris Uba was arrested and held in police custody in Abuja. The official line from the police was that they held him for his own safety. How could the police protect a man whose pedigree included the control of armed thugs in Anambra State and beyond?       

Mbadinuju on his part has not known peace during and after his governorship term. He clashed many times with his political mentor and financier, Emeka Offor. Mbadinuju’s administration was severely tested by teachers’ strikes at secondary and primary levels. Other civil servants in the state embarked on incessant industrial actions to demand payment of salary arrears. During Mbadinuju’s time, workers in Anambra were owed many months of unpaid salaries. Mbadinuju is currently defending himself in court over serious allegations of murder.  

Outside of politics, the nation has had to contend with two divergent Inspectors-General of Police who performed their job in different ways. One was quiet and the other was loquacious. The quieter one achieved some remarkable feats but almost at the same time he sullied his name by engaging in rapacious and illegal acquisition of public funds and property. Tafa Balogun’s corrupt conduct rankled many decent senior officers. His conviction for corrupt enrichment earned him public odium. Unfortunately, public hatred of Balogun has transformed into greater public abhorrence of the police as an institution for law and order. It is unfair to visit on innocent police officers the sins of their bosses because there are decent men and women in the police force who deserve to be recognised, rewarded, protected and encouraged in their fight against crime and in their commitment to public safety. 

Sunday Ehindero’s tenure as police inspector-general was marked by too many promises about the determination of the police to eliminate criminals. While Ehindero made all the right noises to convince the nation that he was capable of improving security in the country, he achieved little. Crime rates soared rather than plummet; armed robbers became more audacious. They raided homes and financial institutions as often as they wished. With a growing list of political assassinations, it became difficult to differentiate between armed robbery incidents and paid assassinations. Political leaders were hacked down consistently. They are still being killed. Businessmen and women became targets of robbers and assassins. Everyone’s life is in danger. Suddenly, an enabling environment for criminal activity has developed. We are now confronted with a perfect scenario that encourages jungle justice and “war-lordism”.  

When Funsho Williams, prominent Lagos politician, was killed in July 2006, Ehindero assured the nation of his determination to arrest the criminals. He said: “I am assuring you that we are on top of the situation and in no distant future, we will be able to say who did the killing.” The joke is on Ehindero. The killers are yet to be found. There are many unsolved murders in the country. And Ehindero’s term has since expired. Ehindero’s failure to improve security in the country increased widespread cynicism about public officers’ fondness for talking big before they think.