20 Oct 2005 |
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On There are two issues addressed by Dr Ikemba Iweala, but first, let’s deal with the not so important one. I say “not so important” because anybody choosing to complain about the address of the Minister of Finance, a public officer, being “revealed” in a report really has no case. The fact that Messrs Jonathan Elendu and Omoyele Sowore published the address of the minister’s home in Of course, it’s quite a different matter if she was specifically being accused of acquiring the said property by corrupt means, in which case one would expect her to resort to the courts rather than get family members who are no public officials to engage Sowore and Elendu in a shouting match and, worse still, for the minister herself to be reportedly engaging Mr Elendu in the same manner. She is a public official, so she should expect that information as basic as her home address is something of public interest. If she feels that the mentioning of her name or her address in the same article exposing allegedly corrupt Nigerian government officials impugns her integrity, she should be in court to seek redress, not seek to browbeat Elendu and Sowore into a guilt trap. Anyway, the more important issue in the report is the claim by Dr Ikemba Iweala that Dr Mrs Okonjo-Iweala has since June this year stopped receiving her salary in dollars. Quoting Dr Ikemba Iweala, the reasons were that she did this because she felt it was “hampering her job, and she felt if that will make people feel better then she can do it”. To be frank, it is depressing to hear these as her reasons. Why has she decided to go personal when the issue is simply one of propriety, constitutionality and the rule of law? Since February 22, 2004 when The Guardian on Sunday brought the story to the public domain via publication of the explanation for the payments by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Ufot Ekaette, the public expectation and personal responsibility/liability of Mrs Okonjo-Iweala and Ambassador Olu Adeniji under the Constitution haven’t changed. The currency issue is only one in a series of constitutional issues raised by the payments. In fact, we can look at four separate Sections of Part 1 of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999), which is part of the Code of Conduct provisions, to see how these payments clearly infringe our laws. Section 1 clearly states: A public officer shall not put himself in a position where his personal interest conflicts with his duties and responsibilities. With regard to this section, it is fair to say that the idea of collecting dollars as salary runs contrary to the legitimate expectations of Nigerians that part of the duty of their Finance Minister must be to protect the naira. It goes without saying that the Finance Minister was brought in to put policies in place to stabilize the national currency; but obviously her personal interest in taking her pay in dollars runs contrary to this idea of making the naira attain better value. In fact, the overall effect of what she has done for that period of two full years she’d collected her salary in dollars can be properly labeled as economic sabotage. So on that count, she and the president who should know better are in violation of this section, ditto the Foreign Minister, whose duty as part of the cabinet must necessarily include avoiding actions that can be construed as economic sabotage as well. The fact that the national currency has been massively devalued under their watch does not help their case. Section 3: The President, Vice -President, Governor, Deputy Governor, Ministers of the Government of the Federation and Commissioners of the Governments of the States, members of the National Assembly and of the Houses of Assembly of the States, and such other public officers or persons as the National Assembly may by law prescribe shall not maintain or operate a bank account in any country outside Nigeria. The Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Mr Ufot Ekaette and Mallam Nasir el-Rufai told the world that the money being paid the ministers are not being collected and used in the Nigerian environment, but, quoting Nasir el-Rufai, this “goes straight to pay children’s university tuition, medical insurance, mortgage and other financial obligations these ministers had when they were called”. This of course implies that the ministers, contrary to the provisions of the Constitution, must have been operating foreign bank accounts outside Section 9: A public officer shall not do or direct to be done in abuse of his office an arbitrary act prejudicial to the rights of any other persons knowing that such act is unlawful or contrary to any government policy. This Section strongly suggests the president may have abused his office and the ministers may have also done same by conspiring with him to do so. By arbitrarily arrogating to himself the power to make such salary deals, President Obasanjo has opened himself to that charge and by accepting and benefiting from such an act, and, considering their positions, the two ministers are clearly in breach as well. These acts, of course, are prejudicial to the rights of other cabinet members earning the lawful salary especially and also prejudicial to the rights of the ordinary Nigerian taxpayer who does not expect to be shouldering such burden by virtue of the fact that the amounts are far and above what the law has stipulated as salaries for all ministers. Section 13 : A public officer who does any act prohibited by this Code through a nominee, trustee, or other agent shall be deemed ipso facto to have committed a breach of this Code. This Section talks about a breach if these prohibited acts are done through a nominee, trustee or other agents. This is exactly what is reported and admitted to have been done in this case as the money was/is being paid through the Nigerian Diaspora Trust Fund. That is a direct breach and it does not matter whether the UNDP or other donors are involved. The Constitution is very clear as to what constitutes a breach here and leaves no room for exemptions by emphasizing that there is a breach ipso facto, that is by that very act. It is the equivalence of a strict liability offence to which you cannot plead any defence. The very fact of the act done is conclusive proof of guilt. Thus, Okonjo-Iweala cannot say Obasanjo or the UNDP made her accept the deal; the fact that she accepted the deal, irrespective of how and why is enough to establish a breach. Same goes for Ambassador Olu Adeniji. More crucially though is the direct infringement of the Certain Political, Public and Judicial Office Holders (Salaries and Allowances, etc) Act No 6 2002, which specifically mentions the office of the Minister as entitled only to the sum of N794, 085 per annum as salary. This Act does not say they should be paid this money in another currency or any equivalence of the naira neither does it give room for them to be paid more. It simply says they should be paid that specific amount in naira as salary. Further, it should be noted that this particular law is a direct response to a constitutional mandate given the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) as a Section 153 (1) statutory body, whose powers are as contained in Section (32)(d), Part 1, Third Schedule of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999). This clearly gives the Commission the power to "determine the remuneration appropriate for political office holders, including the President, Vice-President, Governors, Deputy Governors, Ministers, Commissioners, Special Advisers, Legislators and the holders of the offices mentioned in sections 84 and 124 of this Constitution". It is therefore not in doubt that Dr Mrs Okonjo-Iweala and Ambassador Olu Adeniji have severally breached our laws by accepting the payments of $247, 000 (two hundred and forty-seven thousand dollars) and $120, 000 (one hundred and twenty thousand dollars) per annum respectively as salaries from the time of accepting their appointments. They cannot claim any right to negotiate their salaries, because you do not negotiate a statutorily stipulated salary and they also cannot claim to have been forced or persuaded by the president to accept this, because the president has no power to grant the privileges he’s granted them. More importantly, each of the individuals involved here, whether president or minister, has personal responsibility and strict liability constitutionally. So, the above are the constitutional liabilities of the president, Dr Mrs Okonjo-Iweala and Ambassador Adeniji as far as this dollar salary issue is concerned. If, as we are told, Dr Mrs Okonjo-Iweala has now stopped collecting her salaries in dollars, it does not vitiate the fact that for two years, she’s collected this in breach of the law. Whatever the reasons she puts forward for this change of heart, the ultimate reason is that it was and still is unlawful. If therefore she’s ready to make amends legally, she has to do so properly. It’s absolutely inappropriate that after the public uproar that greeted the revelations, she didn’t even have the courtesy to tell Nigerians with her own mouth, in a procedurally appropriate manner, about such a decision. Nigerians did not employ Dr Ikemba Iweala as Finance Minister neither is he the minister’s official spokesperson. The least the minister could have done was to tell Nigerians, rather than leave it to her husband to throw it in as some kind of by the way remarks in an interview mainly registering his displeasure at their address being reproduced by Messrs Elendu and Sowore in their report. However, having done so, this revelation has raised more questions. There are actually two versions of Mr Akande’s report that I have read. The version published by The Guardian on Sunday on Nevertheless, as the newspaper that brought this whole issue to the attention of Nigerians, The Guardian must once again beam its searchlight on this matter in order to properly inform the Nigerian people what is going on exactly. It is surprising that the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Mr Ufot Ekaette has not found it necessary to address Nigerians on the fact that Mrs Okonjo-Iweala is no longer receiving her salary in dollars and that she is now being paid in naira the same sum paid to the other ministers. The Guardian must let us know the effect of Mrs Okonjo-Iweala’s decision on the Nigerian Diaspora Trust Fund, which, according to the Secretary to the Government of the Federation and Mallam Nasir el-Rufai was actually set up to pay Okonjo-Iweala the dollar salary. What is the effect of her present position on Ambassador Olu Adeniji, the other minister receiving the dollar salary payment? Does the claim that she’s now receiving the same salary as other ministers mean they are all receiving the lawfully stipulated amount of N794, 085 (seven hundred and ninety-four thousand and eighty-five naira) per annum? Are there or are there no separate deals outside the formal salary to continue to pay the “children’s university tuition, medical insurance, mortgage and other financial obligations these ministers had when they were called”, at least as these concern Mrs Okonjo-Iweala now that we’re being informed she’s given up the dollar salary? The Guardian is aware that the new UNDP Administrator, Kemal Derviş visited Nigeria just over a week ago and in none of his meetings with the President, the Finance Minister, the Central Bank Governor or Mallam Nasir el-Rufai (who actually granted him the key to the city of Abuja in a ceremony) did any of the parties mention the so-called UNDP administered Nigeria Diaspora Trust Fund. Up till now, the UNDP and those who have spoken on behalf of the Nigerian government on this matter (the President, Ibrahim Mantu and Nasir el-Rufai) have been saying different and contradictory things about the UNDP’s role. Nigerians would like to know exactly what the UNDP’s role is in the matter. Are they merely administering the Trust as they claim (making no financial contribution whatsoever) or are they financial contributors as President Obasanjo and those who speak for the government are claiming? Who are the “development partners” supposedly also contributing and what are the terms of their contributions? Why has information about the Nigeria Diaspora Trust Fund remained outside the public domain, even after the UNDP had promised at the beginning of the revelations to make this publicly available? We have tried pursuing this matter with Mr Malloch Brown, the former UNDP Administrator, but he did everything to avoid addressing the issues raised in 19 straightforward questions posed to him about this affair. The Guardian must pursue this matter now with the new Administrator, Mr Kemal Derviş and the UNDP Resident Representative, Mr Tegegnework Gettu. Of course, Mr Obasanjo’s penchant for lawlessness, unconstitutionality and impunity is well known and, without a doubt, this is what is being reflected in the actions of his ministers as well. But the Nigerian people should not relent in restating the fact that any proposed reform that first requires that implementers ride roughshod over our laws and Constitution certainly cannot be good for us. The argument that the president and these ministers have good intentions is patently ridiculous; after all, as the saying goes, the road to hell is paved with good intentions! Nigerians must continue to let Obasanjo and those who collude with him in this reign of lawlessness know that one day they all will still have to answer to the laws and the Constitution of our country. Yeah, they can play God as much as they want today, but the time will come when they all would answer to the law of the land. The Nigerian people may be exceptionally patient; but they are not afraid, because, as Shakespeare would say, it is only the eyes of childhood that fears a painted devil. The Nigerian people have grown in suffering and betrayal; the only thing left is for them to show those that are supposedly leading them that they’ve learnt. On this very matter, The Guardian has taken us this far; it should see it through in line with its enviable tradition as a public trust.
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