29 Apr 2008 |
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First, it is incumbent upon the writer of this article to try and explain the concept of the word 'wages' as employed in this article. It is used as a fitting, expected or anticipated return; a recompense in a given or identified human situation in our national community. One observes that over the years, many highly enlightened and eminent Nigerians who possess remarkable and relevant expertise in areas of our national need and who undoubtedly portray themselves as committed patriots of our nation, write and discuss political, economic and social issues to enlighten our various governments and those who run them in solving several social problems. But to the consternation of many careful observers, all such useful published articles including those that provide relevant data for national or state consumption are often ignored. Nigerians who are experts in their fields of study and profession, but resident in Nigeria, are not accorded recognition as honest contributors of ideas or knowledge to Nigeria's development. Otherwise, knowledgeable and outstandingly progressive Nigerian intellectuals such as Professor Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, Bolaji Akinyemi, Itse Sagay, Wande Abimbola, Akin Oyebode, Col. Abubakar Umar, Femi Falana, Gani Fawehinmi and Dr. Reuben Abati and several others whose names do not come to mind would be taken seriously and their articles would be used accordingly. The protests, admonitions, warnings, positive suggestions, honest and constructive criticisms, all blended in their great anxieties and concerns, to steer the ship of our country towards progress and development are always ignored by those who rule especially by the last civilian administration of Olusegun Obasanjo, which is supposed to re-establish democracy in our land. If military brigandage and praetorian mentality that pervade the 'third world' nations, setting back the systemic effort to adapt democratic values, could constitute major elements to discount the wasteful years of Babangida cum Abacha dictatorships, the Obasanjo civilian administration has no justification to share its predecessors' undemocratic characteristics. Between 1985 and 1998 when IBB and Abacha held Nigeria to absolute political control and socio-economic ransom, all evil elements capable of destroying the fabric of fundamental but complex structure of government in a developing nation were introduced and executed. The corrupt nature of Babangida's military dictatorship became evident with bad economic policies which informed the adoption of the concept of fraudulent '419'. Mushroom banks with up-front capital gain policies were guaranteed to cajole and falsify genuine and legitimate business companies. The Nigerian military establishment became politicized so much that un-educated junior officers became appointed as governors of states and federal ministers, exhibiting political ignorance, incompetence, mediocrity and opportunism for personal aggrandizement and corrupt financial enrichment. The 'Maradona' approach which had sustained the political master dribbler in office for eight years as military president, finally receded in 1993, when he agreed to ' step aside' after a thorough pillage and plunder of Nigeria's resources for eight deceitful years of unfulfilled and empty promises for economic, political and social development. Unfortunately, the anti-climax of the wasteful dictatorship came to its illogical end on June 12, 1993 when the best popular election ever conducted in sovereign Nigeria by one of her greatest educated patriots ever to live; Professor Humphrey Nwosu, was annulled by our effervescent evil genius, General Badamosi Babangida, to deprive the presumed winner of the Nigerian presidency, Chief M. K. O. Abiola his legitimate political right as the new executive civilian 'Head of state and government' in a new democratic order. As if we have not had enough deprivation of our natural rights as a people, a redundant and un-elected regime headed by Chief Shonekan was installed to appease Nigerians, whose patience for a government elected by them had exhausted. The Shonekan government, a puppet government at best, was due to be over-run by his Defence minister, Gen. Sanni Abacha: a peculiar nincompoop whose talent was limited to master-minding coup d'etats, international money laundering, public treasury looting and all associated evil for under-development. He succeeded in establishing a full-blown dictatorship neither imagined nor anticipated in Nigeria's political development. Abacha's killer squad was well organized and financed allegedly through some mindless army officer loyalists who are now being tried for their evil deeds after having been in detention for about nine years. The precious life of our leader Senator Abraham Adesanya was attempted without success. The assassins inexplicably couldn't just take the life of our formidable and enigmatic leader in spite of all the desperate attempts made by the self confessed murderer and sharp shooter, Sergeant Rogers. With Ibru, the Guardian news proprietor, Sergeant Rogers injured him severely but he succeeded in eliminating Kudirat Abiola, who resisted the Abacha dictatorship which denied her husband the presidency. Many other Nigerians suffered Abacha's brutality and no other group was indentified more in opposition to Abacha's dictatorship than the NADECO-National Alliance for Democratic Coalition. Nearly all its members were incarcerated and mal-treated without trial. This unfortunate extention of Babangida's, i. e. the Abacha dictatorship finally collapsed, by God's will, in a sudden and unexpected manner in 1998. Consequently, there was a common mental and psychological relief, which words could not adequately describe among Nigerians of all diversities. General Musa Yar'Adua had been killed in detention by the Abacha regime and the immediate ex-civilian president Olusegun Obasanjo had been charged for treason and sentenced to a long imprisonment, death, or both. All these machinations, because they were evil, came to an abrupt end in 1998 when the bloody dictator Sanni Abacha suddenly passed on without bidding his cabinet members farewell. The inter-regnum of twelve months of General Abubakar, by God, finally came to offer Nigerians some hope by hurriedly preparing a constitution which led us to the election of a civilian government after a long sixteen year-period of military dictatorship which started with General Buhari on December 31, 1983. Former General but now Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, who was a former military Head of State between 1976 and 1979 became the choice of the Northern elite, as the politically favoured Yoruba candidate, for the imminent civilian presidency in 1999. The Yoruba people of South-West chose Chief Olu Falae in preference to Obasanjo, who was seen as an imposed choice by the Northern elite for the Yoruba people. Chief Obasanjo won the 1999 presidential election with the massive support of the Hausa/Fulani north and the support of the rest of their PDP allies in other parts of the country. When Chief MKO Abiola was denied the presidency by the Babangida military junta, Chief Obasanjo had commented that Chief Abiola was not the Messiah that Nigeria needed to move Nigeria forward as a developing democracy. Now that he won the presidency in 1999, much expectation was in the air and much was therefore expected from him in office, moreso, he was a former military Head of State who had been living with the Yoruba sustained accusation that he favoured Alhaji Shehu Shagari over Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the controversial presidential election of 1979. In the 1999 election of the president, Obasanjo did not win any Yoruba state because his people; the Yoruba, did not appreciate his political philosophy, disloyalty and standing. But by 2003 presidential election, the Yoruba people thought their 'prodigal' son should not be denied twice and therefore gave him some substantial political support to retain his presidency for a second term. This support was misconstrued as an absolute support for the PDP which took the opportunity to rig the series of elections in the Yoruba south-west in favour of themselves which included all PDP governors in Yoruba south-west, and members of the various legislatures. Chief Obasanjo's performance as a democratically elected civilian president of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007 is rated below average according to this study. This article will characterize his performance in office as and ' active-negative' presidency. By 'active-negative' performance, Chief Obasanjo's personality will be examined in relation to his ambition, his ability and the general political environment in which he operated as Nigeria's president. This article will do that by reference to some major events during his presidency and his reactions to the identified events to buttress and explain our points of observation.
Obasanjo's pattern of character, World view and Style. The most visible part of one's pattern is style. Style is one's habitual way of performing one's roles, but in this case, political roles, namely rhetoric, personal relations, and homework. This is not to be confused with stylishness, charisma, or appearance. For an example, Obasanjo did not like the Nigerian press. He said, 'he did not read newspapers' and consequently he would not call press conferences even when necessary to do so. This is a negative factor in his character about how he ran his presidency. How does a president rule a country, as huge as Nigeria and avoid the press and would not read newspapers? How does he know the needs of his people, their impression of him and his government? Does n't a government need some feedback about its activities? We think it does.
Obasanjo's World view: Obasanjo's world view should not consist less than his primary, politically relevant beliefs particularly his conceptions of human nature and the central moral conflicts of our time. His world view is relevantly limited to African struggle to be free from colonial oppression mostly in southern Africa, and the internal discrimination based on colour of the skin, used against the Africans in South Africa, and known as the Apartheid system. The Nigerian foreign policy which emphatically promoted the African personality particularly on the African continent, originated with the Murtala/Obasanjo military dictatorship in 1975. This is the limit of Obasanjo's world view. His attempt to become the Secretary-General of the United Nations would have been a disaster if he attained the position. Composite knowledge and cognitive understanding of World politics between the major powers, the analysis of major political and economic events in relation to the interests of these powers and actors on the international scene, their perpetual rivalry and to handle it with political dexterity, are vital to holding the position of the Secretary of the world body successfully. Chief Obasanjo's background does not reflect this kind of knowledge and understanding of World politics. Dr. Boutros Boutros Ghali, the former Egyptian prime minister, who was Kofi Annan's predecessor as the Secretary of the world body could not meet much of the expectations of the holder of the office of the Secretary to the world body and had to be politely pushed out of office after one term of five years. Chief Obasanjo might not have survived the selection process, much less offered the post. If we may ask this question from Nigerians who have observed Obasanjo over the years, " Is Chief Obasanjo a democrat?" The answer to this write-up or study is 'No' absolutely. Why do we think so? Has any one heard Chief Obasanjo discuss democracy as a political concept of government in Nigeria at any time? Has he ever discussed 'Human rights', as a necessity for the development and growth of democracy? As the President of an infant democracy, Obasanjo, from our observation, failed to observe the "separation of powers" principle between the three arms of government when he was president. He often used the Executive branch to intimidate the two remaining branches of government, especially the legislature where his party enjoyed an overwhelming majority. He seriously attempted to use the PDP majority to amend the Nigerian constitution in order to seek a third term presidency. He often used his presidency to disobey court judgments, directives or decisions either wholly or selectively. He never at any given time spoke about democratic values which his presidency is built upon and which it should promote from time to time. Speeches bordering on issues such as 'freedom of speech', 'freedom of movement', 'rule of law' and such other fundamental concepts of western democracy seemed to be alien to our ex-president, in and out of office. Chief Obasanjo's speeches aside from his 1999 inaugural were full of political allegations and accusations of his perceived political enemies within his party and outside it. He also showed great interest in personally sharing political offices to those who were his cronies while he denied others who deserved to be compensated any position because he regarded them disloyal to his interests and ambition. The EFCC he established he used to pursue a select few who were his political enemies and others who disagreed with him on political issues. The ex-president removed two of his political party National Chairmen by fiat and got his choices to replace them. He appointed Amodu Alli as PDP national chairman without election after having had Audu Ogbeh resign in accordance with his overbearing demand to do so. The ex-president's bitter disagreement with his Vice President Abubakar Atiku and his unconstitutional approaches and desperation to have him removed at all costs, failed before the law. One of our surprises is the fall-out from the current House of Representatives' committee hearings on 'Power and Steel'which has established a pattern of violation of 'due process' in dealing with the contractors who were paid huge sums of public money without accountability, transparency or credibility. The office of the ex-president was involved. The contradiction in the Obasanjo presidency lies between his relatively intense effort to perform and his relatively low emotional reward for his anxiety to accomplish his intended goals; a consequence of some underlying contradiction in personal perception of his official obligation to the nation. The ex-president's official activity had a compulsive quality, as if the man were trying to make up for something lost or to escape from anxiety into hard work. Obasanjo seems always ambitious, striving upward and seeking power at every opportunity. His stance toward the Nigerian political environment was aggressive as he had a persistent problem in managing his aggressive feelings. The ex-president's self-image is vague and discontinuous. Life to him as president was a hard struggle to achieve and hold power, hampered by the condemnations of a perfectionistic conscience. Active-negative types of leaders pour energy into the political system, but it is an energy distorted from within. He strove to become an outstanding Yoruba leader or one of them. Going back to his theme 'Not my will', his effort to reach a higher public recognition at the same level or even at a higher level than the late sage Chief Obafemi Awolowo became an obsession. All Nigeria's external debt had been re-negotiated by Obasanjo's presidency through his brilliant Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. The total amount owed by Nigeria to all international financial institutions had been negotiated and paid off. This is a remarkable achievement by a third world nation to advance its economic development. Most other third world nations plead for outright cancellation because the hope of repayment anytime is not feasible. The dogged determination of Obasanjo's presidency to obliterate corruption was another milestone challenge of the socio-political status quo. But as commendable as this policy is, the ex-president violated 'due process' in many ways to satisfy his ego and passion which he could not submit to the ' rule of law'. Chief Olusegun Obasanjo over-burdened himself with unnecessary extra state obligations by holding and controlling, in absolute fashion, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs where he had a seasoned and competent minister in charge, Power and Steel and several other federal ministries, an activity which promoted incompetence, less enthusiasm from appointed ministers, promoting ignorance and a waste of time and resources which allow un-necessary omissions and other lapses, all emanating from misplaced and imaginary mistrust of his appointed ministers who were mostly his party men. This article noted with dismay, the ex-president's outrageous attitude in personally selecting more than ninety percent of Nigeria's ambassadors which included people who were not qualified to be considered for such positions. A few were married to foreigners and others were appointed to fill a high percentage of ambassadorial positions which should normally go to career diplomats in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The ex-president was cautioned but he would not listen to such entreaties until his ego was satisfied. The retired Ambassador Olisemeka wrote the ex-president on this issue to explain and enlighten him, but he would not budge. (To be continued)
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