African exclusionary politics; june12, a microcosm

Chibu Ndubuisi

 In every nation of the world, certain days are kept special because of their epoch-making statement; by the actions they helped shape in the course of history or transition of nationhood. Nigeria is not left out in this fringe of commemorating some days in her national calendar to help teach generations born and unborn about the significance of certain actions or inactions that they have come to live with, which have either become detrimental or beneficial in the nation’s odyssey.

June 12, 1993 was that special day in the history of Nigeria when the clock of the nation state ticked four decades backwards. It was that the day when the fissiparous and mechanical solidarity which has kept us divided reared its tentacles in our nation, it was a day when the “general will” was sacrificed on the alter of greed by some buccaneering priestly elements in the Nigeria system, who purportedly were driving us to the elusive promised land of Golgotha. June 12, was that day in history when the advice by Shakespeare came to reality “that the bright day is done and we are for the dark” which is even justified by the Power Holding Company of Nigeria refusal to light up the nation thus putting us in darkness. It is that darkness of one unit which has pervaded all strata of our lives and made many factories to close down and unemployment keep soaring. It is equally that darkness of heart that past Nigerian leaders have employed in raping and ruining the nation. It is that darkness of heart that made Ibrahim Babangida to annul the election of MKO Abiola who was duly elected in what was believed to be the most transparent election we have had and not like the charade that has come to characterize the present elections (2003 and 2007) we have had in Nigeria.

Ali Mazrui, posed a question “why are African countries so prone to coups? (either ballot or barrel coup). A major reason is that the technology of destruction in Africa is ahead of the technology of production. Ultimate power resides not in those who control the means of production as Marxist would argue but in those who control the means of destruction.

The activities of the militants in the Niger Delta of Nigeria , Janjaweed in Sudan, and many tribal extremist, religious fanatics spread all over Africa vindicate how the technology of annihilation has taken over Africa.

All over Africa, it has been one form of exclusion or the other; from Nigeria, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Kenya, and Sudan. It has been tales of lamentations of deprivations and exclusion from the economic, political and social facets in the system.

The politics of exclusion has gone more digital and sophisticated with the times, because as Horace observed t “the years as they pass plunder one thing after another” During the era of Obasanjo in Nigeria (1999-2007) he employed all shenanigan tactics at his repertoire to deal with those people who differed with him on certain issues. Atiku Abubarkar was his culprit or lab rat he used for test running his antics but met serious brick wall because Atiku matched him might for might. He created the Ubiquitous EFCC(Economic and Financial Crimes Commission) to fight corruption, but later on the EFCC left its statutory role to become an agent or representative of different political parties to determine who is fit to contest election or not. We are equally aware of the ploy by Obasanjo to perpetuate himself in power by trying to toil with the nation’s constitution. His chicanery never saw the light of the day like Abacha’s dream or vision2010.

 In South Africa,Jacob Zuma, the former vice -president of South Africa had corruption charges leveled against him all in a bid to whittle down his political ambition by Thambo Mbeki the incumbent ,but Zuma was vindicated when the courts ruled contrary and he went on to become the chairman of the ANC. South Africans who are killing Nigerians have forgotten so easily the role Nigeria played in ending the apartheid. They are excluding Nigerians in playing an integral part in creating the much desired African solidarity. The xenophobic attacks come to press a case that those clamouring for the United Stares of Africa should have a rethink and first of all fix their domestic environment before coming out to preach solidarity. Charity, of necessity, should of course begin at home. Africans are hungry and as we know a hungry man is an angry man. That explains the continuous crisis in Africa. The actions of South Africans against their African brothers vindicate Mazrui assertion that “the technology of destruction is ahead of the technology of production” so productive energy is geared towards destruction as we hear about crises of all sorts all over Africa.

In Kenya, when Kibaki tried to rig the election against Raila Odinga, there was serious crisis and Kibaki realizing that trouble would not abate, because Odinga was equally strong, formed a coalition government to create stability and a hypocritical legitimacy.

 Henry Adams observed that “power is poison. Its effect on president had been tragic”. Mugabe in his first broadcast to the nation as prime minister of Zimbabwe in 1980 posited; if yesterday I fought with you as an enemy, today you have become a friend and ally with the same national interest. If yesterday you hated me today you cannot avoid the love that binds you to me and me to you. Is it not folly therefore that in these circumstances anybody should seek to revive old wounds and grievances of the past? The wrong of the past must now stand forgiven and forgotten

. After this sugar-coated speech what has happened decades after? Mugabe went all the way in toiling with the countries constitution to perpetuate himself in power till date. The major opposition leader is in unity government with Mugabe. Any hope for the goverment ?

 The disqualification of former president Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia and former Prime Minister Alassane Dramane Ouattara of Cote d’ Ivoire from presidential elections in 1996 and 2000 respectively, the exclusionary politics at work. The incumbent regimes felt compelled to resort constitutional gymnastics to justify their political exclusion on the basis of citizenship. 

In the Zambian case, that Kaunda’s parents had migrated from Malawi when both countries were British colonies was held against him. Because his parents were not indigenes of Zambia, he was prohibited from running for a presidential seat that he had occupied for twenty seven years (1964 – 1991). The Ivorians were more sophisticated in their legal argument. Conscious of the legal complexities of indigeneity in a territorial entity whose political boundaries had shifted.,they shifted, Quarttara from the presidential race not because he was not a citizen or had dual nationality, but on the grounds that he had in the past availed himself of another nationality by carrying a diplomatic passport from Burkina Faso.

More detrimental to democratization is the reluctance of incumbents to leave office.

The ‘five political parties which Abacha wanted to use to perpetuate himself in power, vividly described by Bola Ige as “five leprous fingers” which can do nothing is a clear testimony to our type of democratization.

In the case of Rwanda, the Hutu power regime originally established on the basis of anti-Tutsi pogrom in 1954 had consistently discriminated against the minority Tutsi since independence in 1962. The Tutsi in Rwanda were denied their full citizenship rights and those in exile in Uganda, Congo, Tanzania and elsewhere were denied their rights to return to Rwanda. Under the leadership of Tutsi exiles in Uganda, some of whom were prominent members of the Yoweri Museven’s National Resistance Movement (NRM) and the Ugandan Peoples Defense Force (UPDF), the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) launched a military campaign against Kigali in October 1990. Regional and pan-African efforts to end the resulting civil war culminated in the Arusha Records of 1993, which provided for power sharing between the incumbent Hutu regimes, the Tutsi dominated RPF and moderate Hutu²².

Macias Nguema was elected president of the country on September 29, 1968. Independence was formarly proclaimed on October 12, 1968.On February 2, 1970 all political parties were merged under the Partido Unico Naccional (PUN) later renamed Pardido Unico National de Cos Trabejadcres (PUNT).On July 14, 1972, president Macias Nguema was made ‘life president’ of the country. In July 1973 a new constitution was adopted in place of the 1968 constitution.

He cracked down on religious leaders, several Catholic priest were deported from the largely Catholic country.

Macias established good relations with two other African rulers similar to himself, Amin of Uganda and Bokassa of the Central African Republic Empire.

Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Mgbendu Waza Banga.He was a reactionary leader. He kept on toying with the constitution of his country to prolong himself in power. He was a quisling and a surrogate of Western powers. Always doing their biddings to the detriment of his people

AFRICAN COUNTRIES TURNING IN TO HEREDITARY MONARCHICAL SYSTEMS MASQUERADING AS REPUBLICS

Togo – Gnassingbe Enyadema, 1967 he ruled Togo and kept on altering will the constitution of his country until he died and his son took over from the dad. Faure Gnassingbe Enyadema.

Congo D.R.C

 Laurent Kabila; overthrew Mobutu Sese Seko, but kept on altering the constitution of his country until he died and his son Joseph Kabila took over. Now bongo is late will the story be different?

 As we remember June 12, when the “general will” was sacrificed, we must ask our selves these questions ‘why does power not reside in labour movements, finance capital or investments in African countries? We must endeavour in Nigeria and Africa to work out a people’s constitution, The press, social critics, labour organisations, corporate bodies, politicians must not relent in guiding what belongs to us because “eternal vigilance is the price of liberty” we must all come together and save the situation or sink together.

Robot  # 1 | 12.06.2009 06:09

African exclusionary politics; june12, a microcosm Chibu Ndubuisi In every nation of the world, certain days are kept special because of their epoch-making statement; by the actions they helped shape in the course of history or transition of nationhood. Nigeria is not left out in this fringe of commemorating some days in hernational calendar to help teach generations born and unborn about the significance of certain actions or inactions that they have come to live with, which have either become detrimental or beneficial in the nation’s odyssey. June 12, 1993was that special day in the history ofNigeriawhen the clock of the nation state ticked four decades backwards. It was that the day when the fissiparous and mechanical solidarity which has kept us divided reared its tentacles in our nation, it was a day when the “general will” was sacrificed on the alter of greed by some bu...Read the full article.