| The flawed judgment on Atiku |
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| Written by Frisky Larrimore | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Wednesday, 28 February 2007 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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While every Nigerian jubilates today at the right to express views openly and confidently, many weep and shed tears amid the pleasure of democracy, on the best way to carry the very same democracy forward. A lot has been opined on several forums, about Nigerias own weaknesses in the practice of democracy. No doubt, one of such weaknesses is the personal dispute between the President and his deputy. A global novelty. In recent world history, a Vice President was removed in South Africa by the President of that country not because of a personal dispute, but because the Vice President was to face indictment for immoral activities that were not deemed worthy of the exalted office of Vice President. In fact, an accused person (Vice President or not) is usually given the benefit of the doubt and considered innocent until proven otherwise in the law court. Unfortunately however, the unwritten laws of morals and ethics prevail most often, over the written laws of the judiciary. Even though presumed innocent, former Vice President Zuma of South Africa paid the ultimate price even before proceeding to win all the battles in court. He was stripped of the Vice Presidency. This is a reflection of moral and ethical accountability not the triviality of the office of Vice President. Since the ruling of an Abuja Appeal Court on the changing of parties by the Vice President of Nigeria, while still seeking to remain Vice President, a lot has been written and said. A large majority of voices commenting on the issue, has applauded the judgment as victory for democracy. Very few have however, had the courage to vent their frustrations against this majority opinion with very serious concerns that are still waiting to be addressed. Three different analyses are quite worthy of time-consuming analysis as the debate rages on. One of such analyses opined that the Nigerian constitution left the learned judges of the Appeal court no other choice but to declare the Vice Presidents victory in changing parties, even though the consequence of the judgment is indeed dangerous for the future. Another illustrated the situation on the basis of simple logic and likened the situation to a soccer pitch, in which each team features eleven players. Since hierarchy is no rarity these days in soccer teams, the deputy captain of one side suddenly decides to turn around (out of one disgruntlement or the other) and start playing against his own team. He catapults each pass that reaches him into his own net. When the team coach decides to substitute him, the referee rejects the request because the rules of soccer do not explicitly forbid any player from playing against his own team. One third view explicitly challenged my position on the issue and stressed that the position of Vice President is not a trivial one that can be replaced at will. All these three opinions have their inherent consistencies and credibility. Nowhere in the world is the Vice Presidents position considered trivial. Neither is that of the President. The ease of removal of the Vice President of South Africa as stated above underscores the far-sightedness of the authors of the South African Constitution. If this was to happen in Nigeria, the Vice President rather than being easily kicked out to forestall any moral damage to the exalted office, would have preferred to file several cases against the President in court alongside the actual ethical and moral cases of rape and corruption and fight legal battles on a thousand front amid the applause of passionate admirers. That is the moral side of the Vice Presidents responsibility. Even though the Nigerian constitution does not explicitly state that a Vice President cannot change party after coming to office, it does not explicitly permit it either. On the other hand, the same constitution does not explicitly permit the President to declare the Office of Vice President vacant if the Vice President changes party. The actions of the President and that of the Vice President were both based on the convenient interpretation of the constitution to suit their own ends, each hoping that he was right in the final analysis. The closest the constitution came to addressing the issue at stake is contained in the clause of eligibility laid down for qualification to be elected into the office of Vice President. A President is duly elected after choosing a running mate (potential Vice President) from the same party. On the basis of this eligibility, the election is validated. As in every profession, an engineer who is eligible for a job posting and is employed on the basis of his eligibility cannot claim that this qualification ceases to be of relevance to the performance of his duties once employed. If he finds a more appealing job elsewhere or intends to pick up a new profession, he quits his present job. If he alternatively waits to be caught by his employer doing a parallel job or studying for a different profession, he would be risking summary dismissal in the spirit of a valid employment contract. On the other hand, while a President may toy with the idea of replacing his Vice President (rightly or wrongly), the Vice President can never think of replacing the President for disloyalty to him/her. This defines a major flaw in the judgment of the Appeal Court, which explicitly denies that the Vice President should be having any loyalty whatsoever to the President because the Vice President swore to the constitution. Loyalty to the constitution should not interfere with loyalty to ones own boss. This basic prerequisite of loyalty to the constitution is incumbent upon every citizen President or not. In fact, even Ministers do not swear to destroy the constitution. That does not require the Appeal Courts interpretation. However, going out of its way to emphasize that the Vice President owes the President no allegiance (whether the President is Obasanjo or not) is the actual trivialization of the Presidency. The judiciary as the third arm of government is indeed, the legislature through the back door. It interprets existing laws and seeks to seal loopholes. In short, its judgment becomes law. Therefore, each law considers far-reaching consequences in the prevailing democratic system. A law that encourages disloyalty to the President by conveniently highlighting loyalty to the constitution is by implication encouraging an autonomous Vice Presidency. An autonomous Vice President may proceed to appoint a shadow cabinet and play an opposition within the government because the Vice President is accountable to no one. After all, the constitution does not explicitly forbid the appointment of a shadow cabinet by the Vice President. The whole issue is indeed, a delicate balancing act, of which the Appeal Court seems to have sought the easiest and most simplistic way out. So far, no credible explanation has been provided for the constitutional clause seeking the nomination of the Vice President from the Presidents party. The American constitution, which we foolishly sought to copy, does not contain any such clause. In other words, the authors of the Nigerian constitution, wanted to avert conflicts of the nature that was fomented by Atiku by seeking to ensure unison in program and governmental coherence. They did not go into further details because they did not conceive a problem like this ever happening. There is no known precedence of a rebellious Vice President in the world that I am aware of. To claim that it was deliberate on the part of the authors of the constitution not to have elaborated on where membership of a common party stops, in order to allow the Vice President change party at will after coming into office, is logical reasoning in reverse. In fact, Nigerian lawmakers are not rascals because they fail to impeach Atiku. They are rascals because they make a lot of noise each day and seem more focused on self-enrichment than good governance. It is not news that money frequently changes hands in attempts to force legislation through the National Assembly on several occasions. The pathetic aspect of it all is that these claims (as far as I am aware) have never been officially refuted by the legislators. This was most notoriously rumored during the lobby for the Third Term Agenda. Furthermore, the argument that the Vice President disqualifies himself from the Vice Presidency by changing parties, was not advanced by counsels for the President alone. Atikus own defense counsel Professor Ben Nwabueze (Senior Advocate of Nigeria) also advanced the same argument as private views in his book titled Constitutional Democracy. Views that differ radically from his statement of defense. The Nigerian media and Atiku apologists conveniently ignore this scandalous development because it doesnt suit their purpose. If it happened the other way round, there would have been some much-ado about the stunt and a lot of hullabaloo! Finally, there are obviously two sides walking down the aisle. Each side has a passionate belief in what it thinks is right. There are few however, who are capable of advancing their views without personal abuses and derogation. That is one good tribute Id like to pay to the person of Engineer Atsar Terver in his matured and factual disagreement with my views. I will nonetheless advise every detractor of Gani Fawehinmi to however desist from attributing his unpalatable but highly logically simplified illustration to old age. This derogatory remark does not provide answers to the cogent questions he has raised. No constitution on earth will legalize a coup detat unless Nigerias will be first of its kind. If the present President dies (much to the pleasure of many of his detractors), PDP will be replaced in the Executive by an AC government, which no electorate ever voted for. That would be a constitutional coup detat. Consequences like this should form a part of considerations in passing court judgments of constitutional consequences in many advanced countries of the world. Constitutional courts are therefore, carefully filled with judges of enormous job experience and distinguished intellectual standing!
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Posted by Robot| 28.02.2007 18:08