| Election Year 2007: The realistic options now and after |
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| Written by Frisky Larrimore | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Friday, 09 March 2007 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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When Flight lieutenant John Jerry Rawlings overthrew the Supreme Military Council of Ghana and installed the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council in June 1979, he was cheered and received with open arms by the Ghanaian populace. His bloody revolutionary reckoning that cost the lives of several leading political figures prompted speculations along all lines in Nigeria. The general tenor was that something like that could never happen in Nigeria. Rawlings barely ruled for three months and handed over power to an elected President Hilla Liman on September 24th 1979. When he however observed from the sideline that things were not progressing the way he expected, he overthrew President Liman in a second coup on December 31st 1981. From then on, he held the scepter of power till the year 2000 before he was succeeded by President John Kuffour. Within this period, Rawlings steered the boat of leadership with the help of technocrats and military men and adopted a largely centrist, market economy policy. The groundwork of economic growth and infrastructural advancement that Rawlings left behind was a showpiece for future developments. Today, the fear of this dangerous man becoming mischievous again is a thorn in the flesh of his successor, who cannot afford to under-perform. It is worth noting that John Jerry Rawlings did not command popular support at the turn of the millennium when his tenure ended. Many of his reforms did not alter the prevailing poverty level. He was largely jeered and insulted by domestic observers and commentators while international economic and financial experts applauded the parameters they saw with lots of hope for the future. Knowing fully well that many commentators and observers will rather stone me to death than hear me out in peace, I will take the risk of opining here that there are many ideological parallels between Olusegun Obasanjo and John Jerry Rawlings. Even though I have never met this retired General Obasanjo or any of his policy advisers at any point in my life, it is rather a less daunting task to catch a glimpse of his mindset with a bit of goodwill and neutrality. The reality that President Obasanjo reaped only partial success in all that he initially set out to achieve for Nigeria is probably one pain that may torment him to the end of his political career. The initial failed intention of sanitizing the energy sector with an action man Bola Ige and all the aftermath thereof is history today. The incompetent attempt to rejuvenate old power structures as the Vice President has now reported is one clear evidence that the President indeed knew where he sought to set the pace of development. The alleged lamentation before the Vice President thereafter (which, by the way, has never been denied), regretting not having accepted the Vice Presidents initial suggestion on how best to solve the problem of power shortage underscores the incompetent execution of a project that was commenced with good intention. Seeing how quickly eight years go by in two administrative terms that seem to fly with the wind, Obasanjo could read the writing on the wall. A lot has been achieved in terms of reform. Debts have been paid away and resources can now be concentrated on inward development. Banks have been restructured and foreign investors can now be confidently wooed etc. Unfortunately however, roads are in dire states, power and water supply remains a persistent problem. The idea of picking up the power grid project from zero commenced too late. Now that the relevant projects are on course, the Associated Press reported only last week that the final completion of projects in the energy sector alone is expected to take about twenty-five years. This may go through a gradual process of the phased launching of partial completions. Obviously succeeding governments will then claim credit for every partial launching that is realized in their term, in a project that was started by the Obasanjo administration. On top of that is the fear that no one can predict the direction that a succeeding government may take. It may turn out to be more corrupt. It may turn out to be even more focused. If there is anything I may bet on however, it is the fact that if Olusegun Obasanjo could turn back time, he would never again handover power to any Shehu Shagari in 1979. Having helplessly watched the dismantling of his pre-1979 achievements by successive governments, the worst he could do today would be to refuse to act and impact the situation in any meaningful manner. The power to overthrow a regime afterwards if things do not progress the way they are expected is no longer there since the status is now that of a retired and not active General. What Rawlings could do with ease, Obasanjo will now only be able to watch in helplessness. That (in my mind) is one of several factors that seem to have prompted Obasanjo to seek a third term in office. A constitutional coup attempt that was to see his project through. In the process though, he seems to have insinuated that he alone and no one else can steer Nigeria to the harbor of affluence. For this insinuation alone, he was jeered and scorned particularly in the dream talk of an Internet columnist. For the purpose of comparison, a similar incident occurred in Hungary during the past summer. The tape of a private conversation between the Prime Minister of that country and some party henchmen surfaced in the media, in which the Prime Minister admitted having lied to the electorates to win the last election. This sparked off a violent demonstration lasting several weeks with protesters placing the parliament in Budapest under siege. The Prime Minister vehemently and stubbornly refused to resign claiming openly in a World Service broadcast that he is the only one that can steer his country through all the necessary economic reforms. The truth though is that only Obasanjo can implement Obasanjos reforms in Nigeria much like only Gyurcsány can implement Gyurcsánys reforms in Hungary. Today, while Obasanjo is being loudly abused and desecrated at home in the news media and Internet, international financial and economic experts express general satisfaction at the economic parameters available to them showing a ray of hope in the long dark tunnel of untold human misery. Politically though, the options at our disposal are anything but promising. To retain some leverage of sort on the continuation of his agenda, Obasanjo seems to have subjected his party to his tight grips. A risky venture that may place him at loggerheads with the President if his partys candidate wins the presidential election. Obasanjo has learnt the lesson today that ruling with the military uniform is far easier than maneuvering his ways through the labyrinth of constitutional democracy. While the judiciary and the legislature each have a say in the running of the country, none of them however, is given responsibility for failures in achievement. Then comes a fully unnecessary domestic battle with a rebellious Vice President, which keeps subjecting the President to series of judicial humiliations that are obviously largely politically motivated. Whichever way the President goes there are always hurdles to overcome. Yet he bears all the blames for the failure of the experiment. In the aftermath of all these though, there are now voices openly hoping that the military will take control sooner than later. This may even be exacerbated if the Supreme Court ruling on the excesses of the Vice President adds one more humiliation to the Presidents woes. Not long ago, a Nigerian newspaper reported that disgruntled lawmakers have picked up the rejected legislation on the Third Term Agenda once again. Since they were not nominated for another term in their own parties, constitutional amendment may be the only way for them to extend their grip on political relevance. Alongside this, protagonists of impeachment are bracing themselves for a showdown in the intended malicious dumping of the combined team President/Vice President. Politicians are promoting their social and political relevance by arming banditry and hobby separatism in the Niger Delta. Others are vowing that there will be no elections if they are disqualified. One pertinent question seeks to uncover what the future holds for Nigeria in the weeks and months ahead. How can all these disputes be contained and how can development be advanced in environments of this nature? The most horrendous scenario may be history repeating itself in the like of the Sani Abacha led coup that overthrew Shehu Shagari shortly after commencing his second term in power. Should Nigeria be greeted by post-election chaos in the form of bloodshed and endless expectation of election results or even a vicious rejection thereof with protracted litigations, I foresee a President that may invoke his constitutional powers of declaring a national state of emergency and suspending all democratic institutions to restore law and order. Since the President has however vowed that he will not stay in Aso Rock beyond May 2007, handing over power to a military administration is a very viable and realistic option. Then and then alone can we truly hope that a Nigerian Rawlings will be borne with all the dire and positive consequences it may entail.
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Posted by Robot| 09.03.2007 16:15