Blaming Mugabe too loud: Where caution is needed! Print E-mail
Written by Frisky Larrimore   
Saturday, 17 March 2007

What is Mugabe’s crime? Keeping up and flying the flag of a traditional African leadership mentality? A mentality that was brought to fame and notoriety, not the least, through the highly controversial and immortalized symbol of anti-imperialist nightmare of the West Idi Amin? A mentality that was advanced by the likes of Mobutu Sese Seko, Gnasingbe Eyadema etc.? Mugabe’s crime stands in the limelight of public focus today, not because the West detests the crime or because western democracies no longer wish to condone dictatorship and brutality. When the dust has settled down, we will all for once understand that Robert Mugabe has probably bitten the fingers that fed him at one point in history.

Indeed, as someone once remarked, a wind of change swept through the whole of the African continent, when sometime in 1980 a general election masterminded by Great Britain and the Commonwealth swept the well-known Maoist-inclined freedom fighter Robert Mugabe of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) to power following decades of a bloody guerilla struggle. In fact, the charismatic heavyweight race buster Joshua Nkomo of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) was largely expected to make the race in the election. He was unfortunately left in the cold by the fragility of his ZAPU coalition.

Even though we all heaved a sigh of relief throughout the continent at the time, in applauding the demise of what was to become one of the final bastions of white minority racism against blacks in Africa, the writing on the wall was clear for all to see. Zambia that was detached from Rhodesia (then as Northern Rhodesia) and Malawi both gained independence far earlier and never stood out for lessons in democratic parlance. On the contrary, Zambia declared a one-party state and Malawi had also decreed a one-party state way back in 1966. Only a die-hard optimist would indeed, have expected Mugabe to stand out in different colors at the time.

On the contrary though, if African leaders had known in 1980 that Robert Mugabe would constitute such a blatant betrayal of the collective trust reposed in him by the black race, many intellectual voices would have started crying out words of caution in good time for the present unhealthy and contemporarily incompatible manifestation. Armed with a Jesuit education in a roman catholic parental background and higher education in a reputable South African University, Mugabe has all it takes to make an outstanding intellectual of his days.

Having missed out on early post-independent warning signs radiated by neighboring countries, well-wishing observers and critics should have seen the writing again in 1983 when Mugabe dismissed his veteran and highly honored comrade-in-arms Joshua Nkomo from his cabinet. In a fair and ordered process of governance, both Mugabe and Nkomo would have had the right to lay claims to the leadership of Zimbabwe by virtue of the scarifies they both made in the struggle to free blacks from the fangs of Apartheid Rhodesia led by Ian Smith. It soon however, became clear to Joshua Nkomo that Robert Mugabe was not going to relieve power so easily in favor of a reasonable rotation of leadership. Mugabe’s military victory over Nkomo’s Ndebele tribal affiliates in Matabele land was indeed, the final straw that broke the camel’s back. It was indeed, Mugabe’s “License to kill”

Having routed out Nkomo (a veteran political heavyweight of pre-independence acclaim) successfully, who else would dare Mugabe? His achievements as a guerilla fighter fresh in the mind of Zimbabweans and pitched against his destruction of another great achiever does not seem to be making up sufficient ingredients for a popular insurgency to catapult a little-known Morgan Tsvangirai to the corridors of Zimbabwean political power.

Morgan Tsvangirai who left school only in 1974 (six years before independence) cannot look back at any deeply rooted political achievement amongst his folks aside from Trade Unionism and low-keyed party membership. Much as the ordinary person in the street feels the pains of Mugabe’s one-man show, it will take Morgan Tsvangirai far more than mere intellectually upright exposure of Mugabe’s ultimate destruction of Zimbabwe, to displace Mugabe from popular and even regional sympathy.

The reason is simple. Morgan Tsvangirai’s main source of support is drawn from Great Britain and the USA.

For a folk that has gone through treachery in different forms and at the most unhealthy of historical times, indigenous allies of these western powers that wield the axes of being able to do and undo the collective destiny of the African race, are also viewed with ardent suspicion.

Fresh in the mind of Southern Africans are the likes of Bishop Abel Muzorewa and Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole who teamed up with the racist Rhodesian government of Ian Smith at the time and tried to form a black majority government that was fully suspected of being subjected to the ultimate caprices of white minority remote-controlling.

The hanky-panky machinations of Buthelezi in South Africa are also one major fact that is not forgotten in the region as a whole. While Buthelezi yet remains integrated in the South African system in the interest of peace, it is simply a question of time, when nemesis will be brought to bear on him for his betrayal of black interest during the struggle against apartheid.

Cautious regional powers who like me, neither approve of Mugabe’s absolute stranglehold on Zimbabwe nor of the use of fully unwarranted force and aggression on Morgan Tsvangirai are no doubt, quietly asking, where Great Britain and the USA stood when Mugabe demolished a veteran freedom fighter like Joshua Nkomo. Then, it was probably, the Africans tearing themselves apart. ‘The internal affairs of a sovereign state’ was probably the title of a melodious piece that could be conveniently echoed from the hymnbook of diplomacy.

The writing was on the wall in 1987 when Mugabe abolished the office of Prime Minister and installed himself as President with far-reaching powers. Where was Great Britain? Mugabe was reelected in 1990 and in 1996 amid opposition cry of foul play. International voices were muted.

International outcry began when signs of the land reform became imminent. A highly divisive policy with which Mugabe sought to wrest economic power from the whites, who have ever since dominated economic life despite the loss of political power. Even though this move is arguably badly flawed in an atmosphere of largely incapable and poorly educated blacks taking over an agricultural industry that was hitherto successfully run by whites, it was nonetheless, highly popular amongst Zimbabweans and even far down into South Africa. Obviously, British and by implication, American interest was at stake. Tony Blair’s sudden drive to ostracize Robert Mugabe from the international community should be seen in this light. This is indeed, the central reasoning behind Thabo Mbeki’s refusal to endorse internationally popular anti-Mugabe’s sentiments.

While Morgan Tsvangirai should have known better than drawing support only from a domestically meaningless and less influential international constituency, Mugabe’s own demise is indeed, a matter of time.

Mugabe simply refuses to let in some amount of inspiration from Nelson Mandela, who till today could have remained President of South Africa if he chose to. He is stubbornly refusing to create a domestic atmosphere that is conducive to democratic transition in an authentic sense and has ended up alienating himself from a large section of the world community. Not even the transition from one President to another in the person of Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia several years before, was warning enough for Mugabe.

While Tsvangirai stands a chance of succeeding Mugabe as President, he should himself, be well aware of the inherent risks he is facing amid the deep political polarization in Zimbabwe, much to his own disfavor. Resilience and pledging to stay the course in defiance may turn out to be more of a liability to him than a blessing if he continues to be perceived as a stooge of the west and probably, even financed by same. The region as a whole, would detest nothing more than a western puppet installed in the name of advancing democracy.




RobotRobot is offline 
Villager

avatar
 # 1

What is Mugabe’s crime? Keeping up and flying the flag of a traditional African leadership m...Read the full article.

Posted by Robot| 17.03.2007 05:35

Reply Quote



TEchiTEchi is offline 
Villager

avatar
 # 2

I appreciate your erudite and neutral presentation on Mugabe. When we criticize without looking at the history and what perpetuated the current Mugabe dispensation we are bound to see the event one sided Mugabe’s attraction of international criticism for corruption, mishandling of land reforms, economic mismanagement, and a deteriorating human rights situation in Zimbabwe has a historical bearing. According to most outside observers his policies have led to economic collapse and massive starvation over the course of the last ten years.

This is the man who on 18 March 1975, allegedly plotted the assassination of Chitepo by a bomb placed in his car while in Zambia, and then unilaterally assumed control of ZANU from Mozambique. Later that year he also broker away from Ndabaningi Sithole’s moderate Zanu to form a more militant ZANU faction. Mugabe achieved many of his goals by killing and stifling any resistant. Even at this early time we see him as a militant and yet we forget that sometimes the beginning of a man is what will shape him for the rest of his life. Morgan Tsvangirai must know what type of man he is dealing with.

I remember reading about his campaign how it was marked by intimidation from all sides, mistrust from security forces and reports of full ballot boxes found on the road, the Shona majority was decisive in electing Mugabe to head the first government as prime minister on 4 March 1980. ZANU won 57 out of 80 Common Roll seats in the new parliament, with the 20 white seats all going to the Rhodesian Front. How interesting from being militant to a Prime Minister to becoming the President of Zimbabwe. His re-election in 1990 and 1996, and in 2002 was said to be claims of widespread vote-rigging and intimidation, this is the Mugabe we must not forget and Morgan Tsvangirai must not. Thank you for making us see the other side of Mugabe.

Posted by TEchi| 17.03.2007 18:53

Reply Quote


Last Updated ( Thursday, 24 April 2008 )
 
< Prev   Next >

Services : E-mail news | RSS Feeds | Podcasts
Links:   About the NVS | Contact Us | Terms of Use | Privacy & Cookies | Advertise With Us
All Rights Reserved. NigeriaVillageSquare.com