Today, the quest for resource control has taken a centre stage.  Based on the antecedents of insensitive governance in Nigeria, resource control is a guarded ambition.  The sole aim of resource control is for the host communities within the Niger Delta to manage their resource for the welfare and benefits of their citizens, but this cannot be achieved without resource management.  I wish to suggest that resource management should be sought first before resource control.

" /> Resource Management Versus Resource Control; Delta State As Case Study. - Nigerian Village Square

28

Feb

2006

Resource Management Versus Resource Control; Delta State As Case Study. PDF Print E-mail
By Eugene Uzum

The Niger Delta of Nigeria is gradually being code-named “Africa’s axis of evil” by the rest of the world.  Militants from the oil rich region have devised a system of sustaining global attention and holding Nigerian government to ransom by abducting foreign oil workers and demanding that all foreign expatriates working for multinationals operating within the Niger Delta region drop their tools and leave the region.  This age long agitation, which is taking a new dimension, is the repercussion of the long and criminal neglect of the Niger Delta by successive governments in Nigeria especially during the military era. The people of Niger Delta view their region as a colony within the Nigerian State and as such, they argue that the struggle for resource control is for their liberation.  For the purpose of brevity I will not venture into the history of gross negligence unleashed by the Nigerian State upon the Niger Delta.  This is because it will amount to flogging an overstretched issue because every Emeka, Umaru, Akpan, Ochuko and Olusegun knows and understands the burning desire of the Niger Delta people to be seen and heard at the same time within the Nigerian project.

The agitations by the militants of the Niger Delta is anchored on the fact that petroleum which constitutes about 95 percent of Nigeria’s total export mined almost solely within the Niger Delta is not reflecting in their daily lives.  The Niger Delta is so impoverished that even at the 21st century people still live in stilt houses along the creeks of Ekeremor, Tamugbene, Ekiagbodo and many other riverine areas of the Niger Delta.  The militants of Niger Delta are vexed and provoked that all they have to show for the large deposit of petroleum resources in their land and as host communities to petroleum and gas multinationals are environmental degradation, gas flaring, slums and abject poverty.

Today, the quest for resource control has taken a centre stage.  Based on the antecedents of insensitive governance in Nigeria, resource control is a guarded ambition.  The sole aim of resource control is for the host communities within the Niger Delta to manage their resource for the welfare and benefits of their citizens, but this cannot be achieved without resource management.  I wish to suggest that resource management should be sought first before resource control.  Resource management is the ability of a government to utilize resources accrued to it either from the Federal government statutory allocation, internally or externally generated revenue with probity and accountability through a policy driven budget for the benefit of the people.  I premise my suggestion on the antecedents of Delta State since its creation on August 27th 1991.

Delta State, with a population of about 2,595,764 (based on the 1991 Population Census) presently consists of 25 Local Government Councils.  If political leaders of the Niger Delta are not accountable to the federal government as some of them claim, they are accountable to the people of the region.  A case study of Delta State shows that between September to December 1991, the sum of N308,000,000 was allocated to the young State, which was part of the last quota of that same year.  The 1992 allocation was N1.1billion and subsequently, 1993 was N1.85billion, which shows a 20% increase (source: Federal Office of Statistics and Delta State budget report 2001-2004). 

It is interesting to note that the total revenue accrued to Delta State between 1991 and 2004 was N336.63billion.  The total expenditure during the period was N333.39billion, resulting in surplus of N3.24billion (source: Auditor General’s report 1991-2003 & Accountant General’s report 2004).  Amidst these lump funds allocated to the State, the Federal Office of Statistics considers Delta State a poor State in terms of infrastructures and social amenities.  Presently, Delta State produces about 25% of Nigeria’s crude export especially between 1999 and 2004.  It is calculated that Delta State alone raked into the purse of the Federal Government about $37.6billion, approximately N5.2trillion within this period.  Also between 1999 and 2004 specifically, the State received N244.35billion and about 70% of this amount came from the 13% derivation. 

In the light of the above statistics, the pertinent questions are how are these resources being managed?  What are the structures on ground reflecting the said allocation?  How has the said allocation affected the lives of the people?  And what is the level of accountability existing in various departments of government?  These questions cannot be ignored because he who is not faithful in the management of little cannot be faithful in the management of large sums.  From what we have on ground in the present Delta State, it is clear that the government would have done better.  In most advanced economies, where resource management policy is in place, there is a clear-cut sequence of the following:

  • Health:  infant mortality, immunization, hospital construction, hospital rehabilitation, outbreak of an epidemic, emergency services etc.
  • Education: construction and rehabilitation of schools, implementation of academic curriculum, staff welfare and other educational policies.
  • Agriculture: research, mechanized farm tools, loans and incentives to farmers, monitoring and supervision etc.
  •  Environmental policies in relation to water, housing, roads, electricity, refuse disposal, structural development etc.

 Taking a comparative value of indexed revenue within 1991 to 2004, the conclusion is that the funds made available through statutory allocation, internally generated revenue, and other allocations (grants from bodies) cannot be said to have achieved its maximum purpose.  This is because our Specimen State for this case study and Nigeria as a whole lack a clear-cut resource management policy and the government claims to have one, then the implementation is faulty.  Policy is a vital or a fundamental aspect of governance and I think what the Niger Delta should be gunning for is an extensive policy on resource management.  With the construction of Igbuku, Omadino, Bomadi and Olomi bridges by the Delta State government, it becomes clear that the government has good intention and can achieve more if it embarks on resource management policy based on probity, accountability and service to the people.  The government and people of the Niger Delta should seek a resource management programme from the State to the World level so as to account for the huge allocations being paid to the area.

With strong policies on resource management, the government will achieve a strong maintenance culture, youth empowerment schemes, industrial growth/employment, sound educational advancements, good health-care delivery system and most of all, good governance.  It is important to note that with a policy on resource management and implementation in the Niger Delta, the Governorship seat of every State within the Niger Delta will be less attractive to intending looters, there will be reduced societal burials, celebration of birthdays in three continents by State Governors and their allies will not be of priority and most of all, there will be no fear of EFCC.  With consistency in resource management policies over a long period of time, the agitation for resource control will be more meaningful and the quest for full resource control will be achieved.  Full resource control without resource management in the Niger Delta will be an effort in futility.

 


EUGENE UZUM (Esq)

Nigeria Reformers Academy (NRC), Leeds

Nigdel55@yahoo.com



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RobotRobot is offline

 # 1 | 28.02.2006 16:41


The Niger Delta of Nigeria is gradually being code-named “Africa’s axis of evil” by the rest of the world. Militants from the oil rich region have devised a system of sustaining global attention and holding Nigerian government to ransom by abducting foreign oil workers and demanding that all foreign expatriates working for multinationals operating within the Niger Delta region drop their tools and leave the region. This age long agitation, which is taking a new dimension, is the repercussion of the long and criminal neglect of the Niger Delta by su...Read the full article.

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FlexcubeFlexcube is online

 # 2 | 01.03.2006 17:15

Mr Uzum,
I must admit that I am a bit dissapointed by the content of your analysis. First you talk about being on ground and next you sign off from leeds in the United Kingdom. I have done some extensive research on four states, Delta, Katsina. Oyo and Anambra representing south, north, west and east respectively. My research took two months to concentrate on the first state - Katsina cos it was an experiential learning process. once we got the hang of it, the rest was quite straightforward based on the terms we developed. Complicated because gathering factual statistics goes beyond the accountant general's offices in abuja - and here is where a lot of analysts get the wrong picture and fail woefully.
First, you need to familiarise yourself with the concept called governance, what is involved and who are the beneficiaries of the expenditures you have listed. Then you need to draw a historical analysis to determine to what extent liabilities bear pressures on these finances or income or 'allocation' as you would like to call it. One of the biggest pressures we have today on most states which has been recorded on this site during previous discussions is the issue of pensions and gratuities. In some states for example Enugu, if all gratuities were to be paid off in one fell swoop. I hear they are still struggling with pension payments, the government may require 3months federal allocation in advance to do so. This state is another story I will leave for another day. Then there are other issues such as healthcare delivery - salaries, drugs, support services such as firestations - Here you are faced with issues such as salaries, emoluments etc etc. And then you come down to various parastatals like the radio house, tv stations etc. By the way running such businesses is not a childs play..You require the likes of John Momoh of Channels to grant you a presentation on this. Housing, insurance, monetization policies, agric grants and loans ... the list is almost endless. Finally you come down to infrastructure like roads, bridges water borehole and distribution; these are the things people tend to use as a yardstick for performance.
In our research, Katsina did reasonably well providing support infrastructure. Pull on finances was greatest in delta due to its unusual terrain. This was closely followed by Anambra, then Oyo. Delta stood out among the four states assessed in the area ofl gratuities as all payments as to that date had been fully settled. Therefore there was no backlog. Investment in Education was highest here - with the state university teachers being the highest paid in the country (even higher than their federal counterparts). In terms of housing projects, it fell into second position after Lagos state (by later comparison) It also was the only state with at least one fully equipped modern fire service station (still government funded) in every zonal sector. Functional water boreholes were identified, funded by the government as well however poor distribution well noticed(ascribed to poor planning by the administration). Its state funded hospitals were (as at the time of the research) the best equipped government hospitals in the country. Unfortunately, ill-trained staff managed most of these facilities - you are in a better position to know why (brain drain, possibly). Coming to roads, the largest collection of access and new roads were constructed in this state. Infact it was observed that the government had done a 'deceptive' on major roads at its inception, and reverted two years later to commence comprehensive refurbishment and construction of new network of roads. One thing noticed during our research was it was the only state that offers more than 2hours of continuous driving from the northern part down south without witnessing a pothole (within the same state) on a state road (not federal road). Another area of significant innovation was an ambitious networking project commenced by the government which commenced to interconnect voice, data and video communication accross all government offices and the legislative houses. I dont have updated details on this as of now. I could go on but that would mean dumping the whole study on this portal which is a complete 382 pages.
You see, essentially i suggest that when we try to bring information to our audience, let us be factual and informed. Do more detailed and independent work and dont just dig out government data and depend upon this - otherwise, if everything that comes out of your federal books is completely true, you wont have to sit out in Leeds, but will come home and contribute to development in whatever way you can. I hope to present the bulk of my research work on the four states and indeed another I am presently undertaking on the eastern states pretty soon.

regards

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pukpabipukpabi is offline

 # 3 | 02.03.2006 17:12

My people,

Was it not the great Zik of Africa who said that "history will vindicate the just". Ojukwu has been vindicated. If you are still in doubt, read this article by Duro Onabule.

Sometimes, the truth hurts, but it must be told.



South-South, South-West Vindicate Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu
By Duro Onabule
Dec 25, 2005, 13:38

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It was both amusing and disgusting reading the purported communique of Monday’s historic meeting of Southern political leaders at Enugu. But at the same time, it is quite pleasing that God in His mercies (has) preserved the life of General Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu (never mind recent speculations on his health) to see himself vindicated thirty-five years after the end of the civil war throughout which Southern political vultures, opportunists and scavengers portrayed him (Ojukwu) as the devil.
Ikemba of Nnewi


Some of these vultures and scavengers were among the delegates of South-South and South-West at last Monday’s political gathering at Enugu demanding resource-control and threatening confederal set-up if not break-up of the federation.

First of all, there is no sincerity of purpose among the participating zones. Historically, there is no love-lost between the South-West and South-East, a sad situation dating back to January 1952 when through desperate resort to group tribal solidarity, the late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was robbed of electoral victory to prevent him from becoming leader of government business in the defunct western region.

In the 1951 general elections, Zik and the other four NCNC candidates cleared the five Lagos seats to western house of assembly (Lagos was then part of the old western region) despite that, his political rivals in western region employed ethnic solidarity to prevail on successful Yoruba NCNC Lagos members not to support Zik as the leader of the party to fill the slot allocated to Lagos in the then Nigerian Legislative Council. Late Bola Ige in his published diary in 1992 expressed reservation about that particular political mischief by his party leadership.

This hostility once again was displayed in the build-up to the civil war which was virtually prosecuted by South West against South East. Where is the love between the South South and South-East? What was the role of South-South against the South-East during the civil war? Even since the return of politics in 1979, South-South has never supported South-East.

Northerners might have a point that the pattern of the January 1966 coup caused them a heavy toll to warrant the July 1966 counter-coup. But the common conclusion is that the magnitude of the casualties savoured of over-reaction. Even then, unlike the South-South and South East, there is today better co-operation and understanding between the North and South-East largely because the North has gone some if not a long way to heal the wounds. Hence today, be it in marriage, business, the professions, politics, indeed every sphere, there is more co-operation between the North and South-East. Can the South-South and South-West claim such rapprochement with South-East?

These are the same people deceiving themselves on an alleged new beginning which is as assuring as any South-West zone governor on assumption of office claiming that “… As from today, health and education are free in this state.” South westerners know better.

With their utterances especially their communique last Monday, the new but in reality fragile southern political block (now) give the impression of a gang-up against the North. Yet, within the out-going year, South-South is on record as signing a pact (political alliance) with the middle-belt. So, the pact has been abandoned without the courtesy of consultation or information.

The South-West is equally on record as having shaken hands across the Niger with South-East. How many times? The same South-West has an agreement with Middle Belt. So, which North is this southern bloc planning to cut to size?

How genuine is the new found friendship among the southern bloc? What are the prospects of survival of the new friendship? The level of (lack of) sincerity can be gauged from the absence of four southern state governors. What is more, only two of the thirteen governors who attended spoke –the host governor Nnamani who formally had to make the welcome remarks and his Akwa Ibom counterpart Victor Attah who read the communique.

It is the very communique that is very nauseating. Going through it stirs inevitable questions. How old is each participant? How much of Nigeria civil war does each of them know? Do they not realise that with that communique, they exposed themselves perhaps unconsciously to public ridicule?

The like of Yoruba Council of Elders, Kunle Olajide, AD’s Olu Falae, Governor Attah, PDP’s Bode George, etc. belong to my generation and are living witnesses of the civil war. Others like Tony Anenih, Reuben Fasoranti, Joe Irukwu are even older, with deep knowledge of the war. Otherwise the rest, especially the governors, are more of eaglets, totally ignorant of our past political history ala confederation and resource control.

We must accordingly examine major points of the communique one of which accused the North (or their spokespersons) of polarising the current political tension along North-South side. The North simply called for honouring a 1999 agreement on what part of the country the presidency was to move next. There have been conflicting details of that agreement but Obasanjo himself confirmed the existence of the said agreement even though he (Obasanjo) also did not give details.

The same Obasanjo however said he alone, as leader of the PDP should be allowed to interpret the 1999 agreement. At any rate, what the Northern leaders further did was to shoot down any idea of a third term for Obasanjo. When therefore did such opposition to and criticism of a secret third term for Obasanjo become a polarisation of North against South? If anything the very wordings and positions of the communique of the southern politicians (have) actually provoked and tensed the country along North/South divide.

What usually happens in such situations is that many of them who gathered at Enugu last time would, when next they meet the same northern leaders, dissociate themselves from the deliberations at Enugu, thereby positioning themselves for political/contract patronage when the time comes.

It is also noteworthy that the Southern bloc meeting at Enugu last time equally endorsed (perhaps unknowingly) the stand of the North against Obasanjo’s third term. If the North and entire South (meeting at Enugu) both endorsed opposition to Obasanjo’s third term, how could the southerners turn round to falsely accuse the North of polarising the country? In short, the Enugu meeting allowed itself to be manipulated into assuming the position of champion of the South against the North to ease Northern pressure against Obasanjo’s third term bid.

Even if the North polarised a North-South divide (which is not the case) at least the North was tactful in their posture unlike the Enugu meeting which only stopped short of declaration of war.
Nobody should be worried about the new found southern solidarity.

From past political history, should Nigeria be irresponsibly dragged to the precipice, South-South and South-East will ally with the North. South-East will rightly seek a revenge for the role of South-West during the civil war while the South-South will eventually aim at its security only with the North.

South-East may not openly declare but till today, the zone distrusts the South-West. Can’t these people detect the booby-trap being set for them? That is to instigate them against the North and thereby sneak in Obasanjo for the third term. The truth is that at any time, only the North can stop Obasanjo in whatever form.

Another point in their communique which is beyond all understanding is the threat to boycott 2007 elections unless the constitution is reviewed and the zones are granted resource control failing which they will declare a confederation.

Are these people ignorant or they have no sense of history? Here then are the facts to acquaint them with the futility of their plan. Neither the 2002 electoral act nor the yet to be reviewed Nigerian constitution makes provision for election boycott. To dampen their ignorance, there is this 1965 landmark judgement on the barren exercise of election boycott.

United Progressives Grand Alliance (UPGA), a marriage of convenience between a faction of the Action Group on one hand, and the NCNC well entrenched in the East and remnant in the West. The boycott was totally effective in the East but not in the West, except Lagos where an independent candidate, T.O.S. Benson scored less than six hundred votes and was declared the winner.

An election petition by the official NCNC candidate against Benson’s election was dismissed on the ground that the electoral law did not recognise election boycott. Benson accordingly retained his seat in the House of Representatives in Lagos with less than six hundred votes and indeed was re-appointed a federal minister on January 14, 1966, eve of the first military coup.

Clearly the Enugu gathering of the southerners are either ignorant of the above or they have forgotten. There was of course the threat of confederation and resource control along the various zones. Confederation was dangled all along as a threat to landlock the North. To think that the North will be caught unprepared for such eventuality is to underestimate Northern Nigeria.

What is more, in such a situation, North will not be the only landlocked country in Africa. Some are Niger Republic, Bourkina Faso, Uganda, Lesotho. Equally landlocked countries outside Africa are Bolivia, Bulgaria, Hungary, Chech, Slovakia.

By the way, for one of the zones at the Enugu meeting to join in threatening confederation is like a turkey calling for Christmas and most appropriately, this is Christmas period. In a confederal set up in Nigeria, South-East will be the only zone that will be landlocked.

For even daring to bring the issue of resource control along with confederal set up shows that those at the Enugu meeting either have no shame or they are ignorant of history. In the year 2005 or as likely 2006, what they are demanding will once again plunge Nigeria into civil war because such issues can never be peacefully negotiated.

Which national assembly will amend the constitution along those lines? Does the southern block have ordinary majority not to talk of two thirds in the National Assembly to amend the constitution? Or will the middle belt landlock itself by voting with the South?

These desperados in the South and their predecessors were the same people who conspired against General Ojukwu’s achievement of regional resource control after the 1967 meeting at Aburi Ghana with General Yakubu Gowon under the chairmanship of the late General Ankrah, then, Ghana’s head of state. Let them get Aburi report by both General Ojukwu and General Yakubu Gowon, published for Nigerias especially Niger Deltans to read.

It is an irony that South-South in particular as well as South-West is demanding confederal set up and resource control both of which General Ojukwu brilliantly secured at the 1967 Aburi conference.
Contrary to the falsehood over the years, General Ojukwu’s achievement on resource control and confederal set up at Aburi conference was not scuttled by the North or the military. Rather the Aburi report was scuttled by the present South southerners and South Westerners in the civil service for the sake of occupying civil service posts abandoned by fleeing South Easterners, the same South-Southerners and South Westerners serving in Gowon’s cabinet, in the armed forces, the equivalent elites and intellectuals on varsity campuses.

Tony Enahoro, Edwin Clark, Diette-Spiff, Amachree, and their like dare not today speak on this issue. Tony Enahoro, as Commissioner for Information/Culture in Gowon’s cabinet campaigned all over the world against confederation, and regional resource control achieved by General Ojukwu at Aburi. Left for Gowon, all he wanted was one Nigeria. Indeed, in his address to the attempted constitutional conference in August 1967, confederation was one of the options he placed before the delegates.

When Gowon returned from Aburi, the Enahoros and other Niger Deltans around him as well as South Westerners all urged him (Gowon) to throw Aburi report “to the dogs.” Otherwise, at least Edo and Delta states as Mid-West region will today, be controlling their resources, courtesy General Ojukwu’s foresight at Aburi.

Ojukwu had no choice at that time than to publish the entire Aburi proceedings for Nigerians and Biafrans to read. The man should please today do Nigeria a major public service by once again releasing the Aburi report to let Niger Deltans realise that their real enemies are not northerners but Niger Delta leaders of that time.

General Gowon should also release his own side of the unedited version of his own account and Nigerians, especially Niger Deltans can then know their enemies/exploiters. Electronic and print media today are dominated – ownership wise – by Niger Deltans.



Ikemba of Nnewi: The Real Messiah of Southern Nigeria!
The Guardian, This Day, Vanguard, Independent, Channels Television, AIT, Silverbird Television, Tell magazine, Newswatch magazine are either substantially or wholly owned by Niger Deltans who may be ignorant of the role played by South southerners and South westerners in throwing aside the Aburi report which in 1967 offered them resource control and confederal set up on a platter of gold. To turn round today and be blaming the North or the military is both unkind and nauseating.


And before plunging Nigeria into another civil war, let the proponents realise that whoever controls or captures the capital has the upper hand. The capital today is no longer Lagos but Abuja which is nearer North than the South.
 

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