The Igbos: Why Are They The Way They Are?

Elimma C. Ezeani

Introduction

Wrongly referred to as ‘Ibos’, this anglicised appellation has nevertheless not detracted from Igbo pride in its identity; a pride which has led to the stereotypes of Igbos as arrogant and, money-loving people. Nevertheless, what is known about the Igbo person and the rationale behind the perceived Igbo world view is actually very limited and often without the benefit of factual and contextual assessment. This article probes beyond Igbo mannerisms and stereotypes to set out the context of Igbo action and world view starting from colonial advent into the Igbo hinterlands to an appraisal of the Igbo person and life in contemporary Nigeria.

A. COLONIAL INFLUENCE AND THE IMPACT OF NIGERIAN POLITICS

1. The Igbo of the Hinterland

When the colonialists ventured into the Igbo ‘hinterlands,’ they met a proud and self-sufficient people. Extremely religious and conservative, the Igbos were at once hospitable yet suspicious of ‘the white man’. Yet over time, the Igbos not only accepted but in fact adopted the new religion of Christianity even though many continued their traditional practices alongside their Christian observances (and still do).

The fact that Christianity bore striking similarities with main aspects of Igbo spirituality must have been very attractive. Christianity spoke of a supreme Creator, religious observances were strict and largely along paternalistic lines and, there was the hope of freedom from the pressures and difficulties of life in the promise of eternity. These principles were appealing to Igbos who organised their society along paternalistic lines and, who looked forward to a reconnection with their ancestors at the end of their lives. They also believed that apart from the various deities they approached for different reasons, there was a supreme high Creator, Chukwu, who oversaw everything. Even the idea of angels was acceptable on the long run because it was similar to the concept of a personal chi, or spiritual guide.

The missionaries, their vocational work in education, health care, teaching and moral instruction in the Igbo community and, the benefits of Christian faith with its call for increased brotherly concern and care, were attractive to a dynamic people who delighted in finding means to self advancement. Also, the early missionaries were clearly eager and willing to become part of the society –they learnt the language, they were curious about the customs and even on extreme occasions were willing to participate in secret rituals as part of their efforts to win over the people’s confidence.  

For the Igbo, there was some pride in being able to converse with the white man; to be able to speak as an equal with one they assumed to be better advanced than themselves. Familiarity with western education and religion was therefore a very important tool in the Igbo desire to be on the same level with their colonial masters. The number of Igbo Christians and the relatively phenomenal spate of Igbo advancement in education bear witness to the great importance the early Igbo attached to what they believed were progressive ideals. 

It must be noted that the absorption of Western ideas was not immediate. Oral and written history recounts the suspicion and distrust with which missionaries and their political counterparts were held. But as the missionaries threw themselves into their vocation, the fact that the foreigners were able to withstand the harsh terrain of the Igbo heartland must have also gained them great respect from a people whose courage would soon demand remarkable perseverance against the toughest odds as they emerged to become part of a sovereign Nigeria.

2. The Igbo in the Nigerian story

The story of Nigeria’s independence is incomplete without a mention of the Igbo man referred to as ‘Zik of Africa’, a renowned African statesman and a main instrument in the cause for Nigeria’s liberation from British rule. Zik was an outstanding orator, a fact admitted by his greatest rival (as they both saw it), another statesman, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Premier of the old Western region in the latter’s autobiography. Zik was also very proud of his origins and was not averse to playing on this point both subtly and overtly throughout his political career. More significantly, when the Rt Hon Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe became the first President of a newly liberated Nigeria, he put the Igbos at centre stage of world history.

Just a few years later, another Igbo man would do the same, again for political reasons. When the announcement of secession by the Eastern states of the Nigerian federation was made on May 27 1967, it was led by another outstanding orator, a son of one of the richest and, well respected Igbo millionaires Chief L. P. Ojukwu. Lt. Col Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu’s commanding presence made him immediately popular with a people whose harsh experiences in the northern part of the country especially in the pogrom of 1966 meant a chance at autonomy from oppression. A war ensued between the secessionists ( Biafra) and the rest of Nigeria.

The war lasted from 1967-70. It was brutal. It was one of the worst recorded internal conflicts of modern history. It was not a war that was carefully planned and decided on by the entire Igbo society but it was for a cause which appealed to a people prepared to fight for their right to determine their lives. That the ill-equipped and largely untrained Biafran army was able to withstand the onslaught of the Nigerian army for as long as it did is a miracle in itself. The greater question however is how they did it. How did the Igbos harness local technology and scientific expertise to support a military stronghold for as long as they did with little or no external support? Unfortunately, Nigerian history is silent on these points.

The end of the Nigerian-Biafran Civil War in January 1970 did not put a closure to whatever disenchantment the Igbos felt prior to the conflict. They saw in the loss of military ranks, the dispossession of property, the insignificant compensation and the obliteration of whatever successes they had made during the resistance, a blatant attempt by the rest of the country to wipe away the memory of the conflict and the identity of the Igbo with it. Their hero went into exile, they lost property and positions across Nigeria and, they had only twenty pounds in exchange for all their currency notes for those who had them. Their scientific achievements were not celebrated and their bravery was not acknowledged. Where they were recovered and preserved such as in the Umuahia war museum, the artefacts of the Biafran story are not even well known by many Igbos themselves. These records of the war stayed out of public knowledge along with the stories of outstanding human courage in spite of the many difficulties and depravities experienced in the war on both sides.

War in whatever form is painful. The blows it deals are deeper than broken limbs, decapitated heads and shattered dreams. If a society wins and is acknowledged as victor, war is heralded as a precursor of peace and is affirmed as a memorable part of a society’s history. When a society loses the war or is more politely acknowledged as ‘not vanquished’ particularly when the object of the war is not achieved, a society’s pride is destroyed. Furthermore, where facts are not available or are produced in a variety of embellishments, truth becomes relative. Thus, while a great number of Igbos and many who grew up in the larger Nigerian society do not have the facts of what impact the war had on the Igbo society in real terms, the war remains a dangerous subject on a national level and an inflammatory one on the part of the Igbo. It is a topic that is not open to factual discourse. It is a wound that has not healed.

Disillusioned further about the impact their cohesive position made in the war, Igbos moved from an indigenously democratic political leadership system to one where individual interests took precedence over those of the community. The war inflicted a dislocation in the sense of identity of the Igbo – they seemed to forget who they were before the war and concentrated only on what they perceived they had become as a result of the war – a people marginalised in the political economy of Nigeria.

3. Community and Leadership

The colonialists used as they were to a monarchical leadership structure expected that every society should be organised along monarchical lines. To their comfort, they encountered this as they made their inroads into the territory they would call Nigeria - in the north, in the west and even close to the Igbos, in the Benin kingdom. When they came to a people who did not point immediately to one ruler as the master/mistress of them all, they concluded that Igbos did not have a central authority figure and so lacked communal organisation.

The absence of a single leader in the history of the Igbos is often traced to what is in essence, a defective product of Western categorisation – that the Igbos have no kings and no central recognised authority. The colonialists did not appreciate that the Igbos had a leadership structure which derived from a practice of democratic representation. This structure was based on respect for the head of the family who took decisions at family level; the representation of family heads at community level, the respect for the community of elders and titled men in the society who spoke on behalf of the groups and families they represented.

The issue here is not a question of the morality of the decisions taken by the decision makers, or the obviously paternalistic system of political representation. What is important is that the Igbos had a well established pattern of democracy by which they organised their society. Igbo communities had rules. People earned their livelihood with their hard work. They bought farms and lands with the profit from their trades. When they earned the respect of the community, they were rewarded with titles and regarded as elders. Women may not have had a significant public political role but certain female groups did have recognition such as the females in a family – the umuada, whose views were seriously taken into consideration in family matters.

The Igbo society was built on certain organised principles. Certain things were abominations - nso-ani or alu such as murder, suicide, abortion; there were mandatory practices such as male initiation rites into the masquerade cult -  ima mmuo; there were religious and cultural observances such as the new yam festival - iri-ji ohu; the facial scarification exercise which singled out men of courage – igbu ichi. Social activity such as trade in markets were on scheduled days and in specified locations; there were delineated places such as shrines and evil forests; there were medicine men and women who healed; diviners who foretold the future and explained the past. There were occupations necessary for the fluid functioning of society such as town criers and, persons who oversaw the taking of ceremonial titles like the ‘Ozo’ title signifying a high-achieving man’s supreme stature in the community - ndi nkuluofo.

To have recorded that Igbos had no leadership and by extension to have managed a distortion of the indigenous Igbo political system is both a marvel and a monstrosity. For how could it not be so when it was obvious that these people lived, worked, married, had children, inherited property, waged battles, farmed lands and sold their proceeds, traded, died and were buried; engaged in a well-ordered and highly organised pattern of daily existence, and yet were written off as a people without leaders? They had laws and rules – who formed them? They had rewards and punishment – who implemented them? As is said, until the lion can tell its own story, the story will always favour the hunter.

Some Igbos affirm this Western manipulation of fact in the misleading saying: Igboenweze/Igboamaeze – the Igbos have no king/ruler. In any event, the colonial establishment of warrant chiefs and the subsequent Nigerian government efforts at both state, regional and national levels to establish ‘autonomous communities’ each with a single ruler, facilitated modern Igbo political interests in installing kings and chiefs across Igbo communities. These frantic political manoeuvres have on several occasions been carried out in direct contrast to the intrinsic democratic spirit and will of the people.

One notes that the idea that Igbos lacked leaders has become buttressed by the chaos and social decline among the people. Lacking knowledge about authenticated versions of their traditions, beaten and humiliated by a war and the aftermath of a forced integration into Nigerian society and, spurred on by a fear of a repetition of the past, some Igbos have become more individualistic, distrustful, and alarmingly self-destructive, as they stand against each other in the race to protect individual interests over those of their larger society.

B. UNDERSTANDING THE WIDER CONTEXT OF IGBO ACTION

4. The Igbo Persona

There is a driving urge to action; almost a restlessness, in the Igbo person. For an industrious people this has always been characteristic. However, after the civil war, it has tended more towards the desire for material possessions. There is a restlessness to do what others in society are doing, to achieve along with one’s peers - something many parents are keen to drum into their children from an early age. In this it appears that there is a societal acceptance of the application of ‘peer measure’ whereby an individual is not rated as successful until he/she has achieved what his/her contemporaries have achieved or, surpassed it.

Where possible and in the absence of a greater desire for young people to learn a trade, children including females are encouraged to attend school and to undergo university education. Yet men are invariably made to understand that education or no, a man must be able to provide for his family or to at least give the appearance of being able to do so. For this reason, trade or business with an expected quick turnover, is more often encouraged.

The Igbos are very visible across Nigeria and beyond mainly because of their widespread commercial endeavour. It has been suggested that a territory wherein the Igbo is absent is probably not commercially viable. This capacity for extensive travel is not to be mistaken for a drive for adventure or idle leisure. It may however be reconciled with the earlier observation of restlessness; that drive for advancement which in turn, often leads to comparison amongst peers.

Social comparison amongst individuals in Igbo society is constant not because those engaged in this activity are necessarily competitive individuals but because comparisons like ‘peer measure’, are essential means of confirming success. Thus to have a house bigger than of that one’s contemporaries or even to have a wife/husband with more academic qualifications (which is expected to yield more money than one’s peers), is a mark of success. It is noted that comparisons extend deep into the family and contribute in no small measure to the predominance of disputes over land or inheritance and, devolution of property.

Tradition or at least the outward keeping of tradition matters greatly to the conservative Igbo. Regardless of individual progress, the Igbo is very attached to the family and it is rare to find Igbos who would deliberately estrange themselves from their families and traditions.

5. Marriage and Family Life

The choices individuals make in life, the people they marry, the way they raise their children, where they live, the jobs they do, the risks they take, the friendships they make, the religious practices they observe, the reputation they create; among the Igbos, everything is geared consciously and otherwise towards maintaining the institution of marriage and continuing the family lineage.

The extended family system is very much in practice and children often know their relatives on both sides even if they do not constantly associate with them. Births and deaths are family occasions which include the wider extended family who share in the joy or sorrow, as the case may be.

Family rendezvous are almost sacred occasions and stories of a mass exodus by Igbos to eastern Nigerian during Christmas time are legendary. The spectacle is indeed inspiring to behold – to see people from all corners of the world risking everything and enduring every impediment as they make their pilgrimage back to their family homes. As one Lagos landlord said to his tenant: ‘the person who claims to be Igbo can always be known when it is Christmas. If he doesn’t head home, he is not Igbo.’ An exaggeration this may be, but it is nevertheless, an apposite reading of the importance attached to family by the Igbo.

Family life starts generally, by the marriage of a man and woman. G.T Basden noted an interesting nature of male/female relationship among the Igbo. He wrote that Igbos do not have ‘love’ in the western sense; they have instead what they refer to as ‘ifunanya’ literally meaning ‘to see in the eye’ – something which obviously means more to Igbos than its literal interpretation may represent. Nevertheless, Igbos are disarmingly pragmatic about love and infatuation – the women do not expect sonnets, they want to know the man can financially provide for a wife and children. The men are not satisfied with beauty alone; they want good, intelligent housekeepers.

The younger generation may be more expressive but watching Igbo couples, one notes a certain reserve especially in public. In a public function, it is not uncommon to find Igbo men standing apart in a corner discussing politics while their wives or girlfriends are variously preoccupied with children, the food, gossiping, or discussing politics. It should therefore come as no surprise to find that the Igbo do not place much significance on non-marital relationships. Thus a girlfriend is not necessarily accorded any particular reverence, neither is a boyfriend, as the Igbo believe that a serious relationship between a couple is one solemnised in some established form of marriage and witnessed by the family members of the couple.

Also, in parties or other social occasions, there is less likely to be the easy banter, conviviality, or dancing between the sexes one may find in a similar public function elsewhere. Amorous displays in public are not encouraged, although it is noted that the Igbos are very boisterous and effusive in their fraternal greetings, even between the sexes.

Prior to marriage, there is an almost clinical procedure followed in the pursuit of a spouse by a man in the conventional Igbo setting. Even where a marriage is not arranged as it may happen in the past, it is not uncommon to find that men embark first on a fact-finding mission about prospective wives. This information may of course be immediately supplied by well wishing relatives or friends saving the man some time in his mission. He may want a tall girl if he is short or, a dark one if he is fair. He may specify a degree or, a pedigree. He may stress an age (preferably younger) or a profession but will inevitably stress that she must be humble and good.

The last requirement can safely be satisfied if the female is an ardent Christian or is the offspring of ardent Christians. The objective however, is that the girl will be submissive and even if not a virgin, will be without a public history of association with other men. For the pursued female, it is enough that her family believe that the man is ‘doing well’ (has a means of livelihood) and, is good. The last requirement makes no demands for a clean sexual past but is satisfied on the part of the man, by the absence of a public criminal record. Should the female and her family be insistent on the point of religion ie, on a particular religious affiliation, a man may agree to whatever is demanded of him with the intention of not keeping his word after the marriage. Strangely, not many consider this practice a deception.

Marital life is run on the same settled mode – man is the head, the woman takes care of the meals and the children. Appearances are again very important. Many marriages persist in spite of domestic difficulties which at times could result in violence and death. But no matter how terrible a marriage is, the woman bears the greater burden of maintaining its stability. Invariably, she will receive less public sympathy in the event of a break-up; it is almost as if women are presumed to be single-handedly equipped to preserve a marriage union.

Although incidences of infidelity do occur, Igbo culture does not promote cohabitation between unmarried couples. Neither does it encourage flagrant promiscuity especially by a woman. Couples at the very least are expected to present a façade of stability for their children. Marriage being a union of more than just the couple but of both families is expected to last forever; thus a wife is always a wife of the family even when her husband has died. However, a man is encouraged to remarry when his wife dies so as to have a helper. A widow especially where she has children is hardly encouraged to remarry.

Single mothers and divorced women with children do not marry or remarry easily because it is difficult to find men willing to take on responsibility for another’s offspring. Divorce is frowned upon particularly where initiated by the woman. Childlessness or the absence of male offspring is often taken as the fault of the woman and men are forgiven for seeking to end such marriages. Property and any accruements in the marriage belong to the man or his family upon his death unless a will or a court decision states otherwise. Thus widows and women who are not married under the Marriage Act ie in a recognised public Christian ceremony stand to lose any claims to inheritance without a will in their favour which even if it exists, may still be contested by the man’s family.

It must be noted however that the above blatant ideology of male supremacy does not mean that the Igbo woman is totally docile or subservient. Acknowledging the responsibility on the man to be provider and protector, the Igbo woman is not faulted for demanding that men within her circle of influence (husbands, sons, male wards and servants) must live up to this responsibility. At times, some women do berate an errant man publicly to his shame. Within the female world, and especially where a woman is not under male control (i.e widows or, daughters who remain unmarried in their father’s homes to reproduce their lineage), the Igbo female is as vocal if not more, than the male.

The Igbo woman is also quite politically astute – forming and participating in political organisations in the church and the community. It is no surprise to find that history’s records of Igbo political protests firmly point to the impact of the 1929 Aba women’s protests against what they saw as double taxation by the colonial government (taxation had been introduced for men and it was alleged that a further imposition was to be made on women) in Owerri, Aba, Opobo, and Calabar. Furthermore, in a private capacity, Igbo women increasingly occupy strategic political positions in Nigerian public life although this is largely due to a general increase in top appointments for women in civil service across Nigeria.

6. The Igbo in Public Life

In public life, both the Igbo male and female affirm the superior role of the male. Women are considered as subject to male protection and invariably, control. An intelligent woman may be admired but is hardly considered equal in any way least of all in wisdom, to a man.

Money and wealth are very important; they may however be freely possessed by men. An independently wealthy woman if she is married is not expected to boast about this publicly. If she is single, a woman is best advised not to reveal this fact. This is because a woman’s humility is priceless among the Igbo and personal achievements can be a source of discomfort to men and even to fellow women.

Humility however is not the strongest point of the Igbo male. He is encouraged from childhood to be a ‘man’ so crying, cooking, and exhibiting signs of infatuation, are not manly expressions. A woman who doesn’t do these things however makes people uncomfortable. She will be criticised for being like a man.

The Igbo prefer to establish their commercial interests often in single/family owned businesses. Distrust of others where money is involved is quite common as is a tendency to hoard commercial information and knowledge. This distrust further extends to suspicion of highly intelligent persons as although the Igbo will applaud academic and entrepreneurial success, they do not necessarily seek to engage the opinion of such persons in their private dealings for fear of exploitation.

Igbos are not always effusive in their praise, preferring that people remain silent about personal achievements, a practice that is now distorted with the proliferation of chieftaincy titles, the erection of super-affluent living accommodations, and a fondness amongst the nouveau riche, for self-promotion. Often it is left to praise singers to announce to the community about the achievements of other Igbos, but still the praise-singers mainly celebrate the wealthy.

It may come as a surprise then to find that innumerable persons of national and international renown are Igbos- scientists, academics, artistes, jurists, health and other professionals, religious figures, political thinkers, orators, tradesmen and women etc. Not appreciating the value and reward in promoting inspirational figures who can compete favourably with others in a larger non-Igbo context, the Igbo society suffers as it unconsciously drives its youth in error - to seek fame that will inspire fear in terms of wealth and power, rather than fame based on the longer-serving value of respect for hard work and integrity.

7. The Igbo under Observation

Under observation, the Igbo reveals interesting traits. Despite being deeply reflective when considering human existence which has ensured a compendium of proverbs and sayings for every conceivable human circumstance, the Igbo hardly probes questions deeply. They may ask ‘how’ but they are less likely to demand to know the ‘why’ behind events, theories or, foreign information. This may be due to a respect for other people’s privacy or a preoccupation with personal matters.

It is observed however that the conventional mode of instruction for the Igbo also plays a part in this. The Igbo child is expected to be seen not heard. A society primed on the wisdom of age and the authority of status, the Igbo waits till he/she has grown older or, has acquired the relevant status (for males – wealth and a family; for females – a husband and children) before he/she can command significant attention from society. Thus having grown up in a setting where he/she is often unable to question issues or to challenge authority, the Igbo is defensive rather than proactive and his/her counter arguments can become inflammatory when they sense rightly or wrongly, that they are under attack or being exploited.

In the course of argument, the Igbo being passionate about his/her opinions can become highly excitable and subjective. Unfortunately, their passion is often misconstrued as aggression. They are also outspoken, loquacious and very partial to magniloquence.

It is in the context of modern Nigerian politics however, that the Igbo attitude to argument is hugely detrimental – while the Igbo is lured into polemics, others take to cohesive and cogent action. Some suggest that the absence of women in the political framework of the Igbo society deprives the people of a more reasoned approach to issues. With a visibly increasing number of independent female thinkers, this suggestion may come to fruition.

Where one can permeate the exterior conservatism of the Igbos, one may find that the Igbo is actually very humorous, likely to engage in well-intentioned teasing and sharp-tongued but malice-free taunts. Many including the males are quite shy, often hiding their reserve behind a tough-talking machismo. It is noted however, that for a tough group of people, their egos are surprisingly fragile and they are quite sensitive to insults, and to defamation. It is also observed that Igbos are admirably individually generous and, interior Igbo communities are remarkably developed owing to the many community projects undertaken.

Ultimately, it is in their family loyalty that Igbos excel - siblings are expected to be extremely supportive of each other; an obligatory responsibility which conversely may result in difficulties for Igbo forays in non-family business partnerships. The close knit family structure also demands extreme diplomacy from spouses and other new-comers into an Igbo family; indeed this closeness together with a fear that non-Igbos will destroy their traditions and family practices dissuades Igbos from marrying outside their culture.

Conclusion

Critical observation about the Igbos is an extremely delicate issue, quite apart from the difficulty of placing the Igbo stereotype in context. Even amongst the people themselves, it is as if the Igbos cannot bear to be criticised or their shortcomings pointed out. In that however, they are not unique – there is a general uneasiness across human societies over criticism of any sort.

But stereotypes give a small and often incomplete account. There is a need for contextual assessment of peoples across indigenous African societies based on factual observation by Africans themselves, who can tell their own story to the world. As a means of understanding the rationale behind behaviours, it is important that overt actions and the parallel assumptions about a people should be placed in the wider context of the core influences in the society.

Therefore, to understand why Igbos are the way they are, one must bear in mind that they are a people whose eager assimilation of western ideas have resulted in a sketchy representation of their communal practices and values. They are a people who have suffered and overcome great adversity in the attempts at political self-rule. Nevertheless the fact is that the Igbos are hardworking and determined people, devoted to their institutions of marriage and family albeit fiercely loyal to their self-interests.

All said, it must be recognised that today, admittedly sometimes to their detriment, the Igbos  are a people who relying on hindsight and with an eye to the future, have come to embrace self-preservation so greatly that they order their lives mainly along avoiding future hardships.

Notes:

On Igbo traditional rulership, cf: Axel Harneit –Sievers : ‘Igbo Traditional Rulers: Chieftancy and the state in Southeastern Nigeria Africa Spectrum 33 (1998) 1: 57 – 79. Online - [http://www.giga-hamburg.de/openaccess/afrikaspectrum/1998_1/giga_as_1998_1_harneit.pdf].

G.T Basden’s insightful work, Among the Igbos of Nigeria (1921 repr 1961) is written from a western observer’s perspective, with rare pictures of Igbo community life.

Robot  # 1 | 04.08.2009 18:08

What we know about a people derives mainly from stereotypes and what others tell us giving an often inaccurate appreciation of the context of people's actions and the rationale behind these actions. This articleprobes beyond Igbo mannerisms and stereotypes to understand why Igbos are the way they are....Read the full article.

akuluouno  # 2 | 04.08.2009 19:40

Sir, Villagers, Thanks for yours. I recommend Prof G E K Offormata's "A Survey of Igbo Nation" also for your perusal. The Prof is about putting finishing touches on the Vol II. Question is why are Igbo young men dropping out from schools. In fact they are almost saying boko haram. I am sorry to stop here for now. Once more thanks for a good paper.:biggrin:

lateesha  # 3 | 04.08.2009 19:53

Onye Igbo k'am bu! Proud to be an Igbo woman O de lu go!

LoveNigeria  # 4 | 04.08.2009 20:13

Except the Lord build the house................ The last page has been written but yet to unfold.

Zanubia Wolf  # 5 | 04.08.2009 23:18

Any Igbo man interested in a clinical view of Igbos or the amalgamation of Nigeria should seek the book: 'A Doctor's Nigeria' by Dr Robert Collis This is a European Dr's view of a new Nigeria before independence...B4 it got all messy!! http://www.stevensimpsonbooks.com/?page=shop/flypage&product_id=3536&CLSN_1065=1248070806106556b150d7c1500f9716

Anioma777  # 6 | 05.08.2009 14:25

A very good and balanced article. Its a shame that personal and selfish interests are so ingrained in most Igbo men and women these days that colletively they may become weak.

quietswami  # 7 | 10.08.2009 11:00

I loathe dabbling into debates on stereotypes of any form – racial, ethnicity..., primarily because of the polemic twists often engendered; distortions brought on by emotional and subjective reasoning, and untold notions of sensitivities. Akin to a relationship I have with a very close German friend of mine – never really been able to broach the role of German in both World Wars and in particular Nazi Germany. This is not because he is unusually sensitive – we’ve thrashed out almost every other conceivable subject matter including the Nigerian situation – but somehow it’s a topic that sails too close to an emotive core. Nonetheless, against my better judgement, I proffer some thoughts hoping this will be received within the intellectual construct as proposed in this write-up. Whilst I acknowledge the comprehensive nature of the piece - which I found very informing and illuminating varying unknowns about the Igbos - I come away from the piece with a certain unsettling sense of gratuitous selective subjectivity on the part of the writer in presenting the Igbos as a victimised group – misunderstood by all, and picked-on by the rest of the country, especially given the Biafran War – deliberately or otherwise. In adopting such posture there is the unintended consequence of coming across as neurotically introverted and in turn alienating. The need to establish, to seek, and assert a unique identity shaped by a colonial past, and the Biafran War creates an excluding perspective that allows the justification for latent mistrusts by the rest of the country on the role of Igbos in the future of the country – a notion that may not be logical but has some merit on the illogical basis of emotion. An Igbo hegemony that fails to acknowledge the disparate composition of the Igbo “nation” prior to the advent of colonial powers is at best a romanticised re-telling of history, as is the selective historical recollection of the political chronology. Just as the Igbos have been impacted by the history of Nigeria, the Igbos have equally impacted the nation’s history – the ascendancy of the Igbos in the power dynamics of the country are well-documented both politically and militarily, as highlighted by the writer. Question therefore is, what changed on the political landscape to reverse the fortunes of the Igbos? My conjecture is the betrayal of trust. Not being a historical buff - and not privy to intents or reasoning of the varying key historical players of the era – the first Nigerian coup caused untold damage to the Nigerian psyche! The elimination of iconic Northern figures perceived to have been initiated and implemented by the Igbo elite derailed the “natural” evolution of a nascent nation – an irreversible action that set in motion the predictable retaliatory build-up that led to the war, and unfortunately, continues to plague the nation’s psyche – perhaps indefinitely! As the writer insinuated, history and stereotypical perceptions are often subjected to the biases of the “story teller” - a rather unfortunate phenomenon preventing genuine objective assessment, and evaluation of history to help shape the future. The overarching foreboding shadow of the war remains cast over the political landscape of the nation – like the elephant in the room – it is often manifested in - sometimes witting or unwitting - stirrings of secession - Igbo nationhood, MASSOB, clandestine mutterings of the Igbo intelligentsia... – often justified by perceived uninterrupted chronology of political victimisation originating from pre and post -war events. A festering wound - un-assuaged by neither the passage of time nor varying rehabilitative gestures or actions! Unfortunately though, a people’s identity hewn out of a sense of victimhood, injustice, or unaddressed grievances, would remain an unhealed wound which secession – if ever feasible – cannot rehabilitate. Lingering psychological impediments can only be addressed by full assessment of the causative instance – not partially, and certainly not selective in nature. The Igbos have to heal by acknowledging, addressing, and recognising the import of the actions of their elite in the first coup – appreciate and empathise with the northern constituency, the devastating impact and significance of these actions on the collective psyche of the North, and in part, the West. Like the Truth Commission in South Africa, ignoring, avoiding, or not addressing the “first” sin will only continue to perpetuate a distorted future – the stalemate of “whispered” secessionist intent, and unrealised nationhood. Such subdued and intellectual conciliatory assessment of history are crucial to writing a future of a country able to gradually reverse years of mutually built-up mistrusts across all the ethnic groupings; leverage the intoned qualities of the Igbos as a trusted and entrusting integral part of the collective; and pertinently help the Igbos realise their true identity of self - based on a healthier foundation of un-encumbering baggage of a distorted history that an ethnic group, consequently the country, has been lumbered with for so long. Healing is never one-sided – all sides have to own-up to their respective roles, and take the necessary objective rehabilitative actions. Can or should an Igbo ever get to rule the country again? A resounding Yes on my part, but a slightly qualified affirmative! Like Obama in the US, a generational shift will be required! Just as it would be inconceivable for an Al Sharpton or a Jesse Jackson to win an American elections due to perceived baggage of racial activism – a new generation of Igbos will need to emerge – one that eschews the “distorted” history handed down, and aligns its identity, not as a separate aggrieved entity, but as a bona fide integral constituent in the nation-building reality of the country. As an aside, secessionist intent often advocated as a last resort will only end in an unending internecine stalemate! Mistrusts on all sides will ensure sustained mutual destruction given the context of historical mistrust, and the narcotic obsession and over-dependence on the black gold. Subtle or blatant calls for secession in the country cannot be feasibly realised by the peaceful means of referendum as being conducted in Canada or the United Kingdom. Armed conflict will be the only recourse! In such an instance, no one grouping can categorically be said to have an edge – Yes, the Igbos may have had the experience - “know” what to expect or have “learnt” lessons to better “prepare” for war – better plans, preparation and possibly international support – war, however is neither rational nor logical – all eventualities can never be truly catered for! The Western region could very well align with the Igbos, but then, trust remains an issue! Therefore, without the decisive numbers, and with no distinctive strategic advantage to any of the main quarters – Stalemate! A situation that reverses to the dark days whilst the rest of the world moves on! No doubt the foolhardy will contest otherwise without any notion of guaranteed outcome, but I counter - why embark on a nebulous vision that results in a mutually assured destruction where simple actions will suffice for our mutual benefit! The feverish fervour of war may appear heroic, and appeal to the testosterone-fuelled machismo of the unenlightened – as insinuated by Colin Powell - those who have experience the ravaging experience of armed conflict appreciate that such a recourse should only ever be considered after all else has been explored, exhausted and repeated times over – he should know! A veteran of Vietnam - a renowned “dove” in the Bush cabinet! I implore and advocate for nation-building instead of expending so much intellectual capacity and capabilities on subtle propagandist “mobilisation”. Call it the musings of a paranoid conspiracy theorist if you may, but the undeniable and unmistakeable trend of all things Igbo is perceptible to the discerning, and appears to be gaining momentum! Such latent ethnic-based simmerings is never healthy, and unfortunately do get realised in time if such remains and retains obsessive focus in certain quarters. A recollection of Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler, which I read at the impressionable age of 11, imparted to me the lethal impact of unhealed, latent psychological scarring. Hitler never got over his experience in the trenches, and his perceived ethnic humiliation of the defeat. His subjective assessment and perception of the WW1 is a direct causal effect of Nazi Germany and subsequent WW2! Not all Germans necessarily subscribed to the delusory fervour of the leader but a nation was seduced by a manipulative orator; got swept up in selective reasoning, and the world was dragged unwittingly into the cleverly spun web of a psychologically impaired man and his distorted selective historical recollections! Expressing such views to a friend of Jewish descent brought on the misconstrued assumption that I was anti-Semitic! A notion that was soon dismissed with a careful, impartial, and wholesome review of circumstances – Hitler could be said to be “justified” given his limiting and restricted mindset and outlook based on selective reasoning. Every generation can avail themselves of the lessons of history, whether the right lessons are learned will only be revealed at the writing of their history! Is this necessarily an inevitable or irreversible forebode? Not prone to resorting to prayers, but that may be the only recourse if we choose to ignore or avoid certain realities! All said! A good read – minor oversights aside - only wish I didn’t have my neurotic paranoid radar on!!! I may have betrayed some niggling suspicion on the intent or motivation underlying the piece, and similar vestiges that seem to emerge with unnerving regularity and subtlety, hence, some of the allusions implied or made. Intent is often critical in having discourse on such sensitive subject matter as ethnicity, race, gender politics... in open-forum without the prevailing context – unqualified clarification of intent would readily assuage any growing concerns. There is however, a slight suspicion that this piece is an unconnected academic exercise with no ulterior motive intended – unwittingly supplanted in a forum – (known for polemic exchanges on all things ethnic) - for pure publicity and nothing more – certainly hope this is the case! Otherwise my prognosis would be too dire to contemplate. A lasting impression from the read is the casting of the Igbo man as the tragic hero imbued with a self sufficient superiority complex - perceived notable flaws were not of his making but rather imposed by the environment and circumstances he found himself in – colonialism, being “lumbered” with an implied “inferior” other, and the war! A deliberate gender specific perspective that casts the Igbo woman as a willing subordinate – objectified - whose fate is regarded as unquestioningly aligned to the Igbo man’s world view. Her ego is supposedly boosted by her seeming superiority in public life given her accomplishments in relative comparison to other ethnic groupings in the country. A subtle disingenuous notion of assumed superiority complex based on the deductive reasoning that a subjugated superior subordinate assumes superiority within the nation’s collective. The topic should ideally read as “The Igbo Men: Why Are They The Way They Are?” Intrigued at how the Igbo woman reviews the piece in relation to the walk-on part she has been consigned in this instance of Igbo world view! No doubt some will be inordinately incensed or disturbed by some of the implied commentary but as I prefaced, all points raised are particularly contextual – especially so - and offered in the spirit of discourse – as an un-entrenched, unassuming, non-emotive, non-judgemental, impartial, unavoidable, wholesome critical evaluation. My intellectual and personal stance on all things Nigeria is motivated by a vision of blurred ethnic lines – not denial - in the realisation of a nation! Such can only be realised with impartial and wholesome intellectual integrity from all quarters! A realisable feat for Nigeria? Conflict breeds creativity - House. Conflict stimulates intellectual reasoning - quietswami

denker  # 8 | 10.08.2009 12:08

The Igbos have to heal by acknowledging, addressing, and recognising the import of the actions of their elite in the first coup – appreciate and empathise with the northern constituency, the devastating impact and significance of these actions on the collective psyche of the North, and in part, the West. ..look dis man, quietswami, come and talk more on dis....i no understand wetin you dey talk here...?

quietswami  # 9 | 10.08.2009 17:05

@ND666 =nigerdelta666;379909>..look dis man, quietswami, come and talk more on dis....i no understand wetin you dey talk here...? Quoting from the originating write-up; Disillusioned further about the impact their cohesive position made in the war, Igbos moved from an indigenously democratic political leadership system to one where individual interests took precedence over those of the community. The war inflicted a dislocation in the sense of identity of the Igbo – they seemed to forget who they were before the war and concentrated only on what they perceived they had become as a result of the war – a people marginalised in the political economy of Nigeria. "Healing", in my context, is an allusion to the condition as described above. Using the war as a singular pretext without a wholesome review, and understanding of the preceding events to war, would not result in the full appreciation of how "healing" can be achieved. Psychological conditions cannot fully treated until the root cause is fully explored. Starting with the examination of one's role, actions... and how in hindsight those could have been done differently - this of course applies to all parties involved! However, the root source has to be tackled first all actions have a cause and effect on the perpetrators and recipients - all player's points of view have to be taken into consideration. For instance, what has been the impact of the killings of the Northern leadership in the first Nigerian coup on the northern psyche? Actions can be measured, controlled, or predicted - reactions unfortunately do not necessarily possess similar attributes. No one set of actions can or should be taken in isolation otherwise it presents a distorted picture! Acknowledgement, is not intended as an apologetic stance but simply a call to resist ignoring or avoiding all relating facts of the period in order to assuage one's political or intellectual leanings or persuasions. Hope this clarifies!

denker  # 10 | 11.08.2009 05:37

=quietswami;379986>@ND666 Quoting from the originating write-up; "Healing", in my context, is an allusion to the condition as described above. Using the war as a singular pretext without a wholesome review, and understanding of the preceding events to war, would not result in the full appreciation of how "healing" can be achieved. Psychological conditions cannot fully treated until the root cause is fully explored. Starting with the examination of one's role, actions... and how in hindsight those could have been done differently - this of course applies to all parties involved! However, the root source has to be tackled first all actions have a cause and effect on the perpetrators and recipients - all player's points of view have to be taken into consideration. For instance, what has been the impact of the killings of the Northern leadership in the first Nigerian coup on the northern psyche? Actions can be measured, controlled, or predicted - reactions unfortunately do not necessarily possess similar attributes. No one set of actions can or should be taken in isolation otherwise it presents a distorted picture! Acknowledgement, is not intended as an apologetic stance but simply a call to resist ignoring or avoiding all relating facts of the period in order to assuage one's political or intellectual leanings or persuasions. Hope this clarifies! ..for the höflichkeit sofar exhibited in rendering quasi explanation to clarify the insinuation of yours i express appreciation. ...to usher in a fruitful/productive and factum-based interactive discussion as related to your statement as quoted by me it's my heart-desire first to know from you if on your part you were convinced and believed dat the coup of 1966 was an Igbo coup...once you make a public declaration openly on dis board i'll oblige further interactive talk...merci!

---

The conversation continues in our forum. Click here to read all comments

---