The prolonged ‘negotiations’ over the implementation of the Unity Agreement between ZANU-PF and the two factions of the MDC are inflicting pain, starvation and lack of opportunity to the country. It was clear at the time of the agreement that time was of the essence to reduce the impact of years of sanctions, incompetent fiscal and monetary policies, and the inadequate leadership of ZANU-PF.
Unfortunately, the leadership of the MDC, especially Morgan Tsvangirai and Tendai Biti, has demonstrated that the MDC is capable of producing its own incompetents, naive optimists, and unsophisticated politicians from its own ranks.
For many outside observers the Zimbabwe conflict presents itself as the Manichaean conflict between the devils of ZANU-PF and the poor oppressed MDC. This is a silly and ignorant view of the history and political dynamics of the country. Perhaps this is why it is so attractive to Western journalists who can write stories without a basic grasp of the situation. However, it goes no distance in developing a useful response to the pressures on the negotiators.
Zimbabwe has been since its inception a divided country. The first division is the great tribal split in Zimbabwe between the Shonas and the Ndebele - the latter an offshoot of the Zulus of South Africa who moved into Matabeleland under the leadership of Mzilikazi, one of Shaka’s lieutenants. Most of post-independence Zimbabwean politics has been the jockeying for power between the distinct clans that make up the Shona. The Shona, who began arriving from west central Africa more than a thousand years ago, share a mutually intelligible language. But ethnically they are not homogenous. Between the clans there is a diversity of dialects, religious beliefs and customs.
The five principal clans of the Shona are the Karanga, Zezuru, Manyika, Ndau and Korekore. Of these, the biggest and most powerful clans are the Karanga and the Zezuru. At this moment, largely unperceived by outsiders, an almighty struggle is going on between Karangas and Zezurus inside President Robert Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF party that at this point is destined to explode and completely reshape Zimbabwean politics.
The Karanga are the largest clan, accounting for some 35 per cent of Zimbabwe's 11.5 million citizens. The Zezuru are the second biggest, and comprise around a quarter of the total population. The Karanga provided the bulk of the fighting forces and military leaders who fought the successful 1972-80 Chimurenga (struggle) that secured independence and black majority rule. Nevertheless, the ZANU movement - since renamed ZANU PF - was led by a Zezuru intellectual with several degrees – Mugabe...
The Zezuru hegemony has crept up and become a fact of life in Zimbabwean politics, although for many years there was intense debate as to the authenticity of Mugabe's origins.
What is more certain is that in 1963, when ZANU was formed, Mugabe was appointed to the powerful position of secretary general after being nominated by the late Nolan Makombe, a leading Karanga who had convinced his co-tribesmen in the movement that Mugabe was a fellow Karanga of the influential Mugabe dynasty of chiefs from the area of the Great Zimbabwe ruins near Masvingo. Mugabe cleverly encouraged this belief until he was well entrenched in power.
Although at its inception ZANU was led by Sithole, an Ndau from Manicaland from the far east of Zimbabwe, the party was dominated by the Karangas. Its powerful individuals included Leopold Takawira, Nelson and Michael Mawema, Simon Muzenda and Eddison Zvobgo - all Karangas. The tribal composition replicated itself in the armed wing of ZANU with the Karangas, led by Josiah Tongogara, forming the backbone of the liberation struggle. Other prominent Karangas were Emmerson Mnangagwa; retired Air Marshal Josiah Tungamirai; and Army Commander Vitalis Zvinavashe.
When in 1974 Mugabe was smuggled out of what was then Rhodesia into Mozambique by a Manyika chief, Rekayi Tangwena, to join the Chimurenga, he was not easily accepted by the Karanga and Manyika guerrilla leadership. But when he eventually ascended to power, the first thing he did was to neutralise the Karanga element by imprisoning many of them - most notably Rugare Gumbo who was the original mastermind of the guerrilla war. Gumbo and several fellow Karanga leaders were kept in underground pit dungeons until independence in 1980.
To quell any Karanga suspicions of his tribal manoeuvres, Mugabe kept the respected Simon Muzenda, a Karanga, as his sole vice president until the latter's death in 2003. Other Karangas, such as the late firebrand lawyer Eddison Zvobgo, long seen as a future leader of the country, were systematically downgraded to provincial leaders. Josiah Tongogara, the military commander of ZANU in exile, was a Karanga who died in Mozambique on the eve of independence in an as yet unexplained car accident. Sheba Gava, a Karanga, was the most powerful woman guerrilla during the Seventies war but when she died in the following decade she was not granted national heroine status.
During the Chimurenga ( the war of independence) there were two separate parties and two separate armies. The main liberation party, the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), split into two groups in 1963 - the split-away group being named Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Though these groups had a common origin they gradually grew apart, with the split away group, ZANU, recruiting mainly from the Shona regions, while ZAPU recruited mainly from Ndebele-speaking regions in the west.
The armies of these two groups, ZAPU's Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), and ZANU's Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), developed rivalries for the support of the people and would fight each other. When Zimbabwe won independence, the two armies so distrusted each other that it was difficult to integrate them both into the National Army. These problems were not only in Matabeleland, but throughout the country. For example: former ZANLA elements attacked civilian areas in Mutoko, Mount Darwin and Gutu. It seemed both sides had hidden weapons. There were major outbreaks of violence between ZIPRA and ZANLA awaiting integration into the National Army. The first of these was in November 1980, followed by a more serious incident in early 1981. This led to the defection of many ZIPRA members. It was thought that ZAPU was supporting a new dissident war in order to improve its position in Zimbabwe. In the elections held in April 1980, ZANU-PF received 57 out of 100 seats and Robert Mugabe became prime minister.
In November 1980 the pressures from both sides led to the First Entumbane uprising. After Enos Nkala made remarks at a rally in Bulawayo, in which he warned ZAPU that ZANU would deliver a few blows against them ZIPRA and ZANLA fought a pitched battle for two days.
In February 1981 there was a second uprising, which spread to Glenville and also to Connemara in the Midlands. ZIPRA troops in other parts of Matabeleland headed for Bulawayo to join the battle. Many ZIPRA cadres defected from the Army after Entumbane, mainly because they were afraid of staying in the army, as they felt some of their colleagues were disappearing mysteriously. They were also annoyed because they felt ZANLA cadres were being favoured for promotion. It was these issues rather than any clear political policy, which caused them to leave the army, taking their guns with them.
This situation became worse after the finding of arms caches in February 1982. ZANU now openly accused ZAPU of plotting another war and ZAPU leaders were arrested or removed from the Cabinet. However, the treason trial in 1982 involving Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku and four others failed to prove a case against them. All were released although Dabengwa and Masuku were redetained without trial for four years. Possibly thousands of ex-ZIPRA cadres deserted the army after this. Most of them now claim that they saw this as necessary to stay alive. With their leaders all locked up or in exile, they felt there was nobody to protect them within the army. "We were threatened, that was why I decided to desert," said one dissident
Zimbabwe's government explained that it had no other option except to restore order. Only after an armed assault on Mugabe's home, attacks on military and police outposts, the abduction of tourists, and the destruction of infrastructure did the government send troops to restore order. It was believed that ZAPU dissidents would not recognize any government not headed by Nkomo.
As part of the government response Mugabe had signed an agreement with North Korean President Kim Il Sung in October 1980 to have the North Korean military train a brigade for the Zimbabwean army. This was soon after Mugabe had announced the need for a militia to "combat malcontents." Mugabe replied by saying dissidents should "watch out," announcing the brigade would be called "Gukurahundi." This brigade was named the Fifth Brigade. The members of the Fifth Brigade were drawn from 3500 ex-ZANLA troops at Tongogara Assembly Point, named after Josiah Tongogara, the ZANLA general. There were a few ZIPRA (ZAPU) troops in the unit for a start, but they were withdrawn before the end of the training. The training of Fifth Brigade lasted until September 1982, when Minister Sekeramayi announced training was complete.
The first Commander of the Fifth Brigade was Colonel Perence Shiri. The Fifth Brigade was different from all other Zimbabwean army units in that it was directly subordinated to the Prime Minister office, and not integrated to the normal army command structures. Their codes, uniforms, radios and equipment were not compatible with other army units. Their most distinguishing feature in the field was their red berets. Their repression of dissent was swift and brutal.
The total of people killed in this strife ranges from five to ten thousand. Most of the dead were shot in public executions, often after being forced to dig their own graves in front of family and fellow villagers. The largest number of dead in a single killing was on 5 March 1983, when 62 young men and women were shot on the banks of the Cewale River, Lupane. Seven survived with gunshot wounds, the other 55 died. Another way 5 Brigade killed large groups of people was to burn them alive in huts. They did this in Tsholotsho and also in Lupane. They would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds, of civilians and march them at gun point to a central place, like a school or a bore-hole. There they would be forced to sing Shona songs praising ZANU, at the same time being beaten with sticks. These gatherings usually ended with public executions. Those killed could be ex-ZIPRAs, ZAPU officials, or anybody chosen at random.
A feature of this conflict was the concomitant rise of dissident ZAPU gangs or vigilante committees who freelanced in imitating the Fifth Brigade. These dissidents murdered civilians on commercial farms and communal areas. Those murdered were regarded as "sell-outs". The dissidents targeted ZANU officials. It is estimated that 700-800 people were murdered by dissident gangs in rural regions. In August 1985, dissidents massacred 22 Shona civilians in Mwenezi. On a mission farm in Matobo, dissidents massacred 16 people.
It was clear that this could not go one without destroying the country. Negotiations were begun and on 2 December 1987 the ZANU and ZAPU factions joined together into a single party ZANU-PF (Patriotic Front). While the accord was heralded for bringing about peace in Matebeleland where thousands of civilians were massacred during the five-year internal civil strife the agreement clearly stated that "national unity, political stability, peace, law and order, social and economic development can only be achieved to their fullest under conditions of peace and the unity primarily of ZANU (PF) and (PF) ZAPU".
The agreement was also specific about who was calling the shots. It said though the two parties jointly commanded the support of the overwhelming majority of the people of Zimbabwe, ZANU-PF commanded a greater percentage of that overwhelming majority.
It was hammered out after 10 meetings of the two rival parties spanning over two years.
The text of the Unity Agreement states:
AGREEMENT OF UNITY BETWEEN THE ZIMBABWE AFRICAN NATIONAL UNION (PATRIOTIC FRONT) AND PATRIOTIC FRONT (ZAPU)
PREAMBLE
Conscious of the historical links between ZANU( PF) and (PF) ZAPU in the struggle for national independence and democracy through the strategy of the Armed Struggle and their alliance under the banner of the Patriotic Front;
Cognisant of the fact that the two Parties jointly command the support of the overwhelming majority of the people of Zimbabwe as evidenced by the General Election results of 1980 and 1985 respectively;
Notwithstanding that ZANU(PF) commands a greater percentage of the said overwhelming majority of the people of Zimbabwe;
Desirous to unite our nation, establish peace, law and order and to guarantee social and economic development and political stability;
Determined to eliminate and end the insecurity and violence caused by dissidents in Matabeleland;
Convinced that national unity, political stability, peace, law and order, social and economic development can only be achieved to their fullest under conditions of peace and the unity primarily of ZANU(PF ) and (PF) ZAPU;
We, the two leaders of ZANU(PF) and (PF) ZAPU, that is to say Comrade Robert Gabriel MUGABE, First Secretary and President of ZANU(PF), and Comrade Joshua Mqabuko NKOMO, President of (PF) ZAPU, assisted by a Sub-Committee of equal members of ZANU(PF) and (PF) ZAPU, held ten meetings to discuss the possible unity of our two parties as follows...
Consequent upon these meetings, and paying due regard to all the principal issues raised thereat, we have agreed as follows:
THE AGREEMENT
1. That ZANU(PF) and (PF) ZAPU have irrevocably committed themselves to unite under one political Party;
2. That the unity of the two political Parties shall be achieved under the name ZIMBABWE AFRICAN NATIONAL UNION (PATRIOTIC FRONT) in short ZANU(PF);
3. That Comrade Robert Gabriel MUGABE shall be the First Secretary and President of ZANU(PF);
4. That ZANU(PF) shall have two Second Secretaries and Vice Presidents who shall be appointed by the First Secretary and President of the Party;
5. That ZANU(PF) shall seek to establish a socialist society in Zimbabwe on the guidance of Marxist-Leninist principles;
6. That ZANU(PF) shall seek to establish a ONE-PARTY STATE in ZIMBABWE;
7. That the leadership of ZANU(PF) shall abide by the Leadership Code;
8. That the existing structures of ZANU(PF) and (PF) ZAPU shall be merged in accordance with the letter and spirit of this Agreement;
9. That both parties shall, in the interim, take immediate vigorous steps to eliminate and end the insecurity and violence prevalent in Matabeleland.
10. That ZANU(PF) and (PF) ZAPU shall convene their respective Congresses to give effect to this Agreement within the shortest possible time;
11. That, in the interim, Comrade Robert Gabriel MUGABE is vested with full powers to prepare for the implementation of this Agreement and to act in the name and authority of ZANU(PF).
One of the key points of the agreement was number 4 supra that there would be a ZANU vice-president, Joshua Nkomo, and that the Ministry of Home Affairs, which controls the police would be within the ambit of the ZAPU faction; to avoid any repetition of the Gukurahundi excesses.
Now, as a result of the new agreement between ZANU-PF and the MDC even that is threatened. THE main political parties that recently signed a power-sharing agreement have been rocked by internal divisions over the deal.
Sources said the deal has become a poisoned chalice for ZANU PF and the two MDC factions led by Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara. It is said the three parties are now reeling from internal squabbles fuelled by the power-sharing agreement. It has wakened greed for power and influence which is choking progress.
ZANU PF is understood to be experiencing divisions on at least three levels. Sources said President Mugabe’s key ally Emmerson Mnangagwa, who was on the periphery of the negotiations, is not happy with the agreement because he expected to secure one of the initial three posts of deputy prime minister. Before the final agreement was signed there was a proposal to have three deputy prime ministers from each of the negotiating parties but this was later reduced to two.
Sources said Mnangagwa now wants to take charge of security portfolios to compensate for his loss. It is said he wants to be in charge of either the Ministry of Defence or Home Affairs, while overseeing the department of state security, now under Mugabe’s office.
Mnangagwa’s followers, who campaigned for Mugabe, particularly during the presidential election run-off, are also said to be disgruntled because they are unlikely to get government posts in view of the limited positions Mugabe has on offer for them after the agreement with the MDC.
The ZANU PF faction led by retired army commander General Solomon Mujuru is also said to be angry that his members were likely to be purged from government structures for not campaigning on behalf of the party and, in fact, opposing Mugabe’s continued leadership under the guise of the deal. Mugabe has already fired warning shots across the bows of the Mujuru faction by dropping one of its bigwigs, Ray Kaukonde, as Mashonaland East provincial governor.
Vice-President Joice Mujuru is said to be also unhappy because the imminent arrival of MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai as prime minister has overshadowed her and co-vice-president Joseph Msika. The deal says executive power would now be shared between Mugabe, Tsvangirai and cabinet, leaving Mujuru and Msika out of the loop.
Msika and his former PF ZAPU colleagues are also restless over the agreement which they think undermines the 1987 Unity Accord between ZANU PF and the now defunct opposition that was led by Joshua Nkomo. Msika and a number of PF ZAPU bigwigs across the nation are said to have met recently in Bulawayo to review the agreement and resolved that there was need to petition Mugabe on the issue. If he did not respond positively, former ZAPU cadres would regroup and re-launch the party.
Veteran nationalist Dumiso Dabengwa, a former ZAPU luminary and its intelligence supremo (jailed for several years under threat of death) quit ZANU in February, saying he could no longer work with Mugabe and his party. Another senior ZANU-PF official linked to the Mujuru faction, Simba Makoni, resigned from the party in February and challenged Mugabe in the March presidential poll.
Sources said there was also a group of dissatisfied ZANU-PF members which included ministers, deputy ministers and governors who would lose their positions to MDC members.
The MDC led by Tsvangirai is also divided over the deal. It is said the party was fractured since the signing of the deal because the negotiators were not happy that their leader signed the deal without their consultation. Tsvangirai signed the deal without going back to his team to hold consultations on the final agreement. As a result the party now finds itself having to address issues that should have been dealt with before the signing. Tsvangirai confirmed this himself saying “There is still an outstanding issue of omissions made in the signed agreement at the signing ceremony on the 15th of September that had been agreed and initialled by all parties when we signed the original agreement on the 11th of September 2008”.
Sources said the MDC negotiators were unhappy that Tsvangirai rushed to sign the September Agreement, leading to errors in substantive issues and now the need to revisit the agreement. Apart from this, overseas MDC supporters said Tsvangirai’s “kitchen cabinet”, an informal group of loyalists who make backroom decisions widely blamed for splitting the party in 2005, was now pushing for the finalisation of the distribution of ministries and securing their positions so that they could jump onto Mugabe’s gravy train (new cars, offices, allowances, etc.). They say the senior MDC officials and “kitchen cabinet” members were scrambling with indecent haste for posts to access the S-Class Mercedes Benzes, free fuel and other benefits. This group of MDC insiders are pushing for a quick resolution of the deadlock and this has brought them into conflict with the mediators who are demanding a “fair and honest deal”.
While all this is going on the people cannot get the food they need; the currency has been supplanted by US dollars in a parallel market; there is no seed for planting; no fertilisers, no irrigation and there is the incessant pressure of the ‘international community’ for a quick fix. One joy for the Zimbabweans is that with the election of Barak Obama all the ‘political’ ambassadors will have to leave their posts before 19 January 2009. This will remove US ambassador McGee who has been a highly intrusive, biased and active opponent of any real change in the West’s negative response to Zimbabwe and its problems.
So, when the SADC meets this weekend to try and broker a compromise it will be important for them to make clear to the participants that their time is running out. The longer they leave it the more likely that questions about the ZANU response to the abandonment of many of the key terms of the 1987 Agreement will arise. The ZAPU and the MDC draw from the same Matabele pool. If the MDC pushes it they might find that their members have deserted them for a real party with experience of government.
It serves no purpose for the MDC to inflict any more unnecessary pain on the Zimbabwean public. They must settle this now, but in the light of the larger dynamics of the struggle.
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