03 Apr 2009 |
|
The coup in Madagascar has now entered its second phase. The elected President, Marc Ravalomanana, has been ousted from power by a 34-year old disk jockey with the active support of the French. Despite the constitutional requirement that the President be no less than 40 years old, the Army saw fit to install Andry Rajoelina as President. His first act was to form a ‘transition’ government while suspending the National Assembly and the Senate.
The only country to recognise his legitimacy was France who sent a new ambassador, Jean-Marc Chataigner, to the capital Antananarivo on 19th March. The new Ambassador was greeted by Rajoelina at the airport who announced “that the Indian Ocean Island country would never separate itself from France” and emphasised “that Madagascar and its former ruler had a common history”. He continued, “We can never underestimate our relation with France".
That marked a distinct change of national attitude from the views expressed by Ravalomanana, the ousted President. Ravalomanana had taken power in the face of a strong Francophile President Didier Ratsiraka. The first election of Ravalomanana in the 2001 election was a prolonged battle with his predecessor, Didier Ratsiraka, who had been head of state from independence days (26 years). The post-election violence which followed the 2001 election only ceased when the High Constitutional Court upheld Ravalomanana's victory. The post-electoral fight lasted for almost eight months before Ratsiraka fled to exile in France.
The Madagascar President Marc Ravalomanana had been away in South Africa preparing to attend a SADC summit on Zimbabwe. Word came that there was rioting in the streets of the capital, Antananarivo. He cut short his visit and flew into his country to handle the situation. He was welcomed at the airport by thousands of his excited supporters, cabinet ministers and his prime minister, Charles Rabemananjara. His troops surrounded him and escorted him back to his residence.
There he was informed that the Mayor of the capital, Andry Rajoelina, had gone ahead with his threat to lead a general strike and to protest the closing of his station Viva TV in December 2007 by Ravalomanana. The new Mayor, who was only 34, had been elected to his office in early December 2007 as an opposition party to the President’s Tiako i Madagasikara (I love Madagascar) party. The tensions between the President and the Mayor have been intense. On the 17th of January 2009 the Mayor inaugurated a Democracy Square in the city in the presence of 20,000 supporters. The President was furious and heightened the level of police and army readiness. The Mayor called for a further demonstration in the capital. The Government banned the demonstration but it went on anyway, involving more than 25,000 protesters.
The pressure and violence kept building and soon there were armed protesters, looters and disaffected youth pouring through the downtown streets. Thousands more demonstrators demanding a new government took to the streets and set Madagascar's state TV complex (controlled by the President) on fire to protest the shut-down of Andry’s TV station in December. In addition, an oil depot linked to the president was set on fire on the outskirts of the capital. During these attacks, the police and fire-fighters were nowhere to be seen. The troops loyal to the President protected the Palace but most troops and police stayed in their barracks.
The violence continued and there were general strikes and continuing rioting. The Army decided to intervene and, despite the President’s offer of a referendum, the Army put Ravalomanana out of office and installed Rajoelina. The High Court met and agreed that Rajoelina could take office, despite his age and despite the fact that there was already a directly elected President. The rest of the world, especially the African Union and SADC were appalled and refused to recognise the legitimacy of the new government. The SADC, meeting in Swaziland, expelled Madagascar from its ranks. Ravalomanana fled the country.
Marc Ravalomanana was not universally popular. The island is run by around 24 families who live in wealth and splendour while the majority of the populations scratches out a poor living. Ravalomanana is one of the richest men in the country. Ravalomanana owns substantial properties around the island; operates the nation's biggest food company; controls his own radio station and a television station; he owns two newspapers and a construction company. Recently, President Ravalomanana agreed to the lease and sale of large parcels of land to the South Korean company Daewoo for the cultivation of rice. This rice is wholly exported to South Korea. At the prices they charge, most Madagascans can hardly purchase a few kilos for consumption. The President maintains a ‘carrying interest’ in the project. He also supplanted French in the schools in favour of the local language.
Ravalomanana has attracted a number of international firms to the country, seeking to exploit Madagascar's reserves of nickel, cobalt, bauxite and ilmenite, oil, gold, coal, chromium, platinum and uranium. The Indians have always had a major share of the burgeoning gemstone industry. The President is involved in many of these undertakings. There are substantial untapped oil reserves in the country. By far the biggest project is the heavy oil production project (largely oil sands) underway with French oil producer Total SA. “Total said the company wasn't concerned that the political unrest in Madagascar will affect its 60% stake in the Bemolanga heavy oil project and expects production to begin as planned in 2018. Total said the company was yet to finalize some details in its extraction contract for the 10 billion barrel resource deposit, and will need to negotiate those matters with whichever government is in power.” The problem for Total is that with the price of oil very low it needs to change the terms of its contract with the Madagascan Government to show a profit. Even more so, there are some of the world’s oil majors, principally Exxon-Mobil. who have staked out claims to Madagascan oil, which has been a thorn in the French side. A further point of concern for the French has been the initial discussions of Madagascar with the U.S. military relating to the use of the ex-Russian military base at Diego Suarez in the north as a base for AFRICOM. The French were determined to restore the status quo ante. Ravalomanana had to go.
The first real evidence of France’s determination to remove the President was the installing of Gildas Le Lidec as French ambassador to the country. Ambassador Le Lidec has an unfortunate track record. Le Lidec was in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, in October 2000, when Laurent-Désiré Kabila was murdered, and in Cote d'Ivoire from 2002 to 2005, during the armed rebellion against Laurent Gbagbo and the several attempts on Gbagbo’s life. It is fair to say that African Presidents tend to disappear from office, either horizontally or vertically when Le Lidec comes to visit. Assassinations are his speciality. He was asked to leave at the Bastille Day celebrations in 2008 and there was no replacement until Chatigner.
This type of coup is a normal French practice. Ivory Coast produces the best examples. The essence of this kind of plan is the promotion of a military coup in the Ivory Coast to be followed by the imposition of a ‘Government of National Unity’. The rebels would soon be dumped; Soro and his political allies would leave the country. There would be a period of direct rule, to be followed by a gradual restoration of political rights. The Constitution would be ‘suspended’.
This is not the first time that the French have planned military coups in the Ivory Coast. There have been three, well-documented, coups planned against Gbagbo. Indeed, the meddling and murderous actions of France’s Force Licorne have been documented by its own leaders. A recent book by Lieutenant-Colonel Georges Peillon, (The Great Silence) writing about the French support of the Ivory Coast rebels leaves no question about the French interference with democracy and their covert support of the rebels. Peillon, writing under the nom de plume Georges Neyrac, was the spokesman for the Force Licorne. The perfidious role of Chirac and his apprentice Villepin is described in detail in the book as is the scandalous order to kill the innocent demonstrators in 2004 by Michèle Alliot-Marie. Pouchet, Chirac’s ‘agitator in residence’ attended many meetings in Burkina Faso, Mali and in rebel territory planning coups against Gbagbo’s government. The minutes of these meetings have been made public.
On August 20, 2005 Gen. Mathias Doué, whom President Gbagbo had replaced as army chief of staff the previous November with Gen. Phillippe Mangou publicly called for the departure of President Gbagbo, and threatened to resort to “all necessary means” if the international community failed to ensure his departure. Doué is not the only senior officer to have publicly expressed his dissatisfaction. In June 2005 Col. Jules Yao Yao, the former Army spokesman, was dismissed, and a few days later arrested and interrogated, along with Col.-Maj. Désiré Bakassa Traoré, the commander of the National Office for Civil Protection, retired Gen. Laurent sa Traoré, the commander of the National Office for Civil Protection, and retired Gen. Laurent M’Bahia. Colonel Yao Yao went into hiding after he was freed, and has openly challenged Gbagbo’s presidency, for example when he and Doué recently threatened to return to “assume their responsibilities.”
The French have encouraged, supported and sheltered these turncoats and dissidents, and have given them a voice in international meetings. It must be stated when the phrase, the ‘French’, is used it has a special meaning. Unlike in ordinary democracies, the French version of democracy is a special case. By tradition in France, foreign affairs are the French president's private domain. The foreign affairs minister only applies his policies. France is the only Western country where foreign policy is not a debating topic. The sovereignty of the French people does not mean anything even if it has elected the president directly. The Parliament has no checking powers and is quietly relegated to domestic matters.
The war of the French against the Ivory Coast was a war by Jacques Chirac against the Ivory Coast. It was his fit of pique which ordered the French ‘peacekeepers’ to attack and destroy the Ivory Coast air force. It was his order to send over a hundred tanks to surround the Hotel d’Ivoire and President Gbagbo’s house. It was his decision to allow his soldiers to open fire on a crowd of singing youths, totally unarmed and non-threatening, seeking only to stop the French from making a coup or killing President Gbagbo. It was he, African advisor Michel d’Bonnecorse, Defence Minister Aliot-Marie and DGSE chief Pierre Brochand, who made and controlled French policy and programs in Africa. They are aided by a web of French agents assigned to work undercover in French companies like Bouygues, Delmas, Total, and other multinationals; pretending to be expatriate employees.
Its Operations Division is responsible for planning and implementing clandestine operations. The 1995 "Operation SATANIC" had the objective of neutralizing the "Rainbow Warrior" ship that was part of the Greenpeace campaign against French nuclear tests in the Pacific. The Division's schemes depend on the Division Action: The Army component was the 11th Parachutist Battalion of Shock (BPC), created 01 September 1946 and based in Fort Montlouis. From 01 November 1985, following Operation SATANIC, the 11th BPC was reorganized by President Mitterrand and redesignated the 11th Parachutist Regiment Shock (11e RPC). The Station of Swimmer Combat Command was created on 16 April 1956, and on 26 October 1960 it was transferred to Aspretto (Corsica). After the Rainbow Warrior scandal, CINC was redeployed to Quélern in Brittany. The Division Action has training camps in Cercottes (Loiret), Roscanvel and Perpignan (Pyrenees Orientals) (formerly situated to Margival, in the Aisne). On 30 June 1995 11th Shock was dissolved and its functions were replaced by three "stations", the CPES in Cercottes, the CIPS in Perpignan and the CPEOM in Roscanvel
The DSGE is probably among the most disorganised and factional agency of the French Government. It has had numerous changes at it leadership level; the most amusing was the replacement of Pochon when, as Head of Intelligence, he was bypassed when the Anti-Crime unit discovered that the French state was paying a regular stipend for the maintenance of Chirac’s illegitimate son in Japan.
The French method of making a coup was well-documented in an intelligence report on a meeting in Burkina Faso . The parallels with Madagascar are clear. The French decided to promote a coup in Abidjan on 22-33 March. According to intelligence reports, the planning for this went back a long way. There was a meeting held on Sunday 10/10/04, in the village hall of the town hall of Korhogo from 09h30 to 12h45. Present at this meeting were the Presidents of Burkina Faso and Mali (BLAISE COMPAORE and AMADOU TOUMANI TOURE). Also present was the head of the Rebel Forces and President of the RDR, ALLASSANE DRAMANE. The French were represented by PHILIPPE POUCHET (as Chirac’s spokesman) as well as ADAMA TOUNKARA, mayor of Abobo; ISSOUF SYLLA, mayor of Adjamé; ISSA DIAKITE, KANDIA CAMARA, GEORGE KOFFI and MOROU OUATTARA.
Alassane Outtara opened the meeting and introduced Pouchet. He spoke and said that he had come directly from Chirac with the message that “ADO (Ouattara) your son and brother will be President of the Republic of Côte d`Ivoire before the elections of 2005.” Chirac has promised “There will be no disarmament in Côte d`Ivoire without our agreement. It is necessary that the agreements of ACCRA III are voted on before they can insist on disarmament. All France and JACQUES CHIRAC support ADO to lead him to taking power in five months; i.e. in March. We have recruited mercenaries who are currently in training in Mali and in Burkina Faso. In March we will lead ADO to power with the assistance of the mercenaries who are in training with Burkinabé officers and Malians. Our objective it is to put ADO in power”. “I shall come again in December, with President Campaore, and will introduce you to the mercenaries. Ouattara will return in March to take power.”
The next speaker was Blaise Campaore, the President of Burkina Faso, who thanked Pouchet and Chirac. He criticized the Ivory Coast Government for ignoring the rights of Ouattara and said “It is my name which spoiled in this business. In Burkina my officers are doing remarkable work with the mercenaries to make them ready. I support you. We are moving to put things in place from there for you. Do not be afraid; we will win the battle in a little time. In five months all will be ready”.
FOFIE KOUAKOU, a local leader got up to make his complaint. He said “It is that this rebellion which has killed our children. I acknowledge that we are tired and that we cannot continue the rebellion in our area. The North has profited nothing from this rebellion. Thanks to Mrs. KANDIA our children were released. ADO is our son. We also fight for him but his men do not cease to punish us every day. But, if it is like the white man says, that we will be in power in March, we will also fight for this.” “But before leaving, please instruct your men not to maltreat our children; especially our daughters.”
The next meeting of importance was held on the 20th of February from 100 to 1420 in Sikasso, in Mali. Present at the meeting were President CAMPAORE, President (and host) TOURE; PHILIPPE POUCHET representative of Chirac; COLONEL CYRILLE DUBOTT, representing the French Army stationed in Gabon; WATTAO ; The Imam IDRISS KOUDOUSS; several mayors and military commanders of the ‘Blue Brigade’. The meeting was opened by Toure who said that he regretted that everyone had to make the journey but that it was better to meet outside the Ivory Coast. He said that victory was in their grasp and that POUCHET would make it clear.
POUCHET took the floor and introduced Colonel DUBOTT who was sent especially for this by Chirac. “He was chosen for this because he is not known in the Ivory Coast” POUCHET went on that Col. DUBOTT would accompany POUCHET to Abidjan to stay at the TIAMA HOTEL for four days. There he would plan the details of the coup and co-ordinate the mercenaries in their attack on the capital. “The town of Abidjan will be taken during the night of the 22nd of March and the takeover should be completed by the afternoon of the 23rd.” The plan is for the mercenaries to stage an ‘invasion;’ and the French peacekeepers will intervene on their side, claiming that an attack on foreigners was being made by Gbagbo’s loyalist forces. In the run up to this there would be several provocations and incidents which would convince the world that Gbagbo’s forces were getting restless.
POUCHET emphasized that the reason for the timing was that the Unicorn Force (the French contingent) would be obliged to leave by the 4th of April if the UN mandate was not renewed. “Thus we have the duty to remove Gbagbo and replace him with Ouattara by this date” Pouchet and Ouattara would stand by in Gabon from the 18th of March. The mercenaries trained by Campaore will stay in Bouake until the 17th when they would transfer to Port Bouet. The new equipment would be made available to them by a convoy of 4 x4s led by IDRISS KOUDOUSS. These would join up with the rebels who would start infiltrating Abidjan from the 20th. At that time the heavy equipment and weapons provided through Burkina Faso would be made available and the rebels would take up their positions at the designated places in Abidjan. On the morning of the 22nd the RDR would stage a march though Abidjan in which some of the rebels would participate. Colonel DUBOTT was to disperse his mercenaries to selected areas of the city. Then, after a planned disturbance, the coup would begin.
Superior intelligence thwarted this coup However; it might be interesting to ask if Cols. POUCHET and DUBOTT were not recently in Madagascar, working from the French Embassy.
This coup is not scheduled to end with the installation of Rajoelina as President. That is stage two. The French know that Andry’s position is untenable; that African and world opinion will never recognise him. Their plan is to support Rajoelina and to see him fail to restore order; fail to remove sanctions; fail to govern. There will be continuing civil unrest which will force Rajoelina from office. Then the French will step in a resolve the crisis by installing Ratsiraka’s brother as President (Andry’s main political and financial backer). This will restore “legitimacy” and they will have removed a sitting, democratically elected President (Ravalomanana) and put their own man in to run things for the French. That poor fool Rajoelina doesn’t understand even now. He thinks he will stay in charge; very French coup indeed.
1] “Madagascar never to separate from France”, Xinhua 20/3/09 [11] “Madagascar Heavy Oil Project Slated to Start in 2018, Matthew Wall, Dow Jones 1/4/09 [111] French Ambassador Expelled from Madagascar Because he has Bad Luck?, Global Voices 25/7/08 [1111] “The French-Sponsored Coup in the Ivory Coast” Ocnus.net, Dr. Gary K. Busch 15/3/05
|
||||||||||||
# 
Your Comments
Please make The Square an enjoyable experience for everyone by refraining from gratuitous ad-hominem contributions, defamatory comments and off-topic posting. Such posts will be removed.