For those closely following the
US presidential race, the current
heated exchange over the rights of terrorism suspects illustrates the
wide chasm between the world view of Barack Obama and John McCain with
each side accusing the other of embracing a policy that would encourage
terrorists. While Obama expressed support for last week's US Supreme
Court decision granting detainees the right to seek habeas corpus
hearings, McCain described the ruling as one of the most dangerous
decisions to ever come out of the Supreme Court.
The
debate over whether to treat terrorism primarily as a law enforcement
issue or as a military issue is an old one and illustrates the
disagreement among scholars as
to how law should respond to Al Qaeda terrorism in the face of the
apparent willingness of the US Government to use military means to
confront it. Perhaps the most controversial aspects of the
Afghan conflict have arisen in relation to humanitarian protections,
designed to protect the human dignity of persons who no longer take
part in hostilities. Some experts argue that it is inadequate to
‘pursue and prosecute suicidal Islamic extremists as if they were
typical criminals’; other experts say that doing so is precisely what
is needed to puncture the aura of "holy warriors" that the terrorists
feed on and to deglamorize them in the eyes of other Muslims.
The position of the present
US government may be summed up as
follows: Firstly, The US is engaged in an international armed conflict
against Al Qaeda, a general ‘war on terrorism’ and against terrorists
everywhere. Secondly, the September 11 attack is an ‘act of war’ and
military action is justified on the ground of self-defence, with all
the prerogatives of International Humanitarian Law especially the right
to detain enemy combatants indefinitely without judicial decision but
at the same time, they that captured Al Qaeda personnel are entitled to
be prisoners of war under the Geneva Convention. Rather all Qaeda
militants in
US custody are classified as ‘unlawful enemy combatants’.
This position of the
US has not gone unchallenged. in Rasul v. Bush, the
United States Supreme Court decision established that the U.S. courts
have the jurisdiction to decide whether foreign suspects who are
non-United State citizens held in Guantanamo Bay were rightfully
imprisoned. Following this judgment The US government
established “The Combatant Status Review Tribunals”; the purpose is to
permit detainees at the
Guantanamo
Bay to contest their status as “enemy combatants”. The Supreme Court in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld
decided that the Military Commission is not a ‘competent Tribunal’ as
envisaged by the Geneva Convention and is illegal under both the
US military law and the Geneva Conventions which is part of US law, the
US being a party to the convention. The Supreme Court also held that common article 3 to the 1949 Geneva Conventions applies to the armed conflict with al-Qaeda and that it applies to the
Guantanamo detainees and to all the detainees held by the
United States in
Afghanistan and elsewhere. Following this defeat, the US government went back to Congress and The US Congress then
passed and the President signed into law the Military Commissions Act
of 2006 (MCA). Among other controversial provisions, the MCA codified
their legal status as ‘unlawful enemy combatants’. Finally in July
2006, the Bush administration recognized the applicability of the
Geneva Conventions to terrorism suspects in military custody but still
denies them Prisoner Of War status and asserts the right to detain them
indefinitely at
Guantanamo.
By arguing that even the US
domestic law does not apply in Guantanamo, it means essentially that by
executive order, the American authorities have determined that
international humanitarian law only applies according to their whims
and to the extent that they wish. This is a cynical decision that is
simply intended to reserve for the
US
government the right to do whatever they want to do. That being said,
The US government is operating currently within the spirit of the third
Geneva Convention by recognizing the applicability of the Geneva
Conventions to terrorism suspects in military custody. In many other
aspects, however, its actions fall short of the requirements of that
Convention. It is unacceptable to say that international humanitarian
law does not apply in
Guantanamo because firstly, the detainees were held within the context of an armed conflict. The
US
being a party to the Geneva Conventions, should respect international
humanitarian law. Every counter-terrorist strategy must be conducted in
accordance with principles of humanity. The international obligation of
States to take any measures against international terrorism
must be in accordance with international humanitarian law. In fact The
US finds itself in a deadlock: it is either that the detainees are a
party to an armed conflict and are combatants, in which case they
should be considered as prisoners of war or they are civilians in which
case, they should have stayed in Afghanistan and not have been
transferred to Guantanamo or anywhere else outside their country.
A
lot of emphasis has been placed on the new features of the
international landscape post 9/11 occasioned by Al Qaeda new kind of
‘war’ raising new challenges. The relevance of international law and
its capacity to meet the challenges of contemporary conflict have been
questioned. The debate evolves around the need to revise the whole
gamut of international law. However, a careful reflection of
international law will reject the idea that Al Qaeda and post 9/11
exigencies reveal the need for a radical revision of international law
in general. Behind the smoke-screen of this debate, the real challenge
relates, ‘not to the normative content of Law but to the need to focus
on judicial and non-judicial techniques to convince both state and
non-state actors to respect the law’, and to strengthen the
effectiveness of the implementation mechanisms, especially the UN and
its organs.
The
fundamental principles of international criminal law and the concepts
of the laws of war and the international humanitarian law are flexible
enough to be adapted to cover Al Qaeda terrorism. The complex system
of national and international criminal justice does not rule out the
use of force in self defence but as much as possible, military
counter-terrorist operations should be taken as a last resort. The use
of force in self defence is not automatically justified especially
against non-state actors operating from foreign territory. Proposed
measures to counter the terrorist threat must be necessary, effective
and proportionate. In this manner, force would be used but within the
limits of the law of war and International Humanitarian Law or with
Security Council authorization in full compliance with International
Law.
In this debate, “president” Obama is correct, he argues
that “the Bush administration's approach to fighting terrorism has been
a failure, and he proposes an approach that mixes law enforcement,
intelligence and military tools, including the possibility of for
example, invading
Pakistan to pursue al-Qaeda if the Pakistani government does not cooperate”. The unfortunate experience since
September 11, 2001 is
that several years after 9/11 and despite what was described as ‘the
most significant investigation in history’, and despite a flurry of
activities following UN Resolution 1373, there is still remarkable
paucity of terrorist prosecutions. One conviction in respect of 9/11
was subsequently quashed on the basis that the
US refused to share potential exculpatory evidence. Another German trial ended in an acquittal because of doubts about the fairness of the proceedings against him. Efforts to bring the
Guantanamo
inmates before military tribunals could not overcome enormous legal
challenges. This illustrates the procedural and evidentiary challenge
that cases such as these pose. On the other hand, the use of torture
and arbitrary detention, indefinite detention, inhuman treatment,
denial of basic human rights of fair trials, the removal of judicial
review of detention, replacement of regular impartial and independent
courts with ad hoc military commissions and the suggestion that the
status of detainees and lawfulness of detention are exclusively
military matters not susceptible to judicial determination illustrates
the paradox of relying on repeated violations and disregard for the
international rule of law in a ‘war on terror’. As pointed out by
Obama, “this has created a situation where not only have we
never actually put many of these folks on trial, but we have destroyed
our credibility when it comes to rule of law all around the world and
given a huge boost to terrorist recruitment in countries that say,
'Look, this is how the United States treats Muslims’”.
Finally, the challenge of Al Qaeda
terrorism would not need to be dealt with exclusively under either
criminal law or humanitarian law. We should look beyond this political
conflict and realize that the distinction between one criminal law
enforcement for the terrorist and another for ‘ordinary criminals’ is
in large measure a false dichotomy, a cleavage that we can banish from
this debate. The mind-set of John McCain is a continuation of George
Bush’s discredited policy and is dangerous to the international
community.
Daniel Elombah Esq (LLM)
elsdaniel@yahoo.com
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