17 Jan 2005 |
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| By Crispin Oduobuk Sam Ndah-Isaiah, a prolific former columnist with the Daily Trust and now publisher of Leadership, is very passionate about President Obasanjo. His passion is such that Uncle Sam, as some of us refer to him, rarely writes an article that would not mention the president at least in passing and, more often than not, in an uncomplimentary way. Indeed, to some, Obj has in effect become Uncle Sam’s raison d’etré. Not so long ago, I asked the ceaselessly blunt Uncle Sam if he doesn’t think getting Obj out of office—as desirable as that may be considering the latter’s seeming incapability to bring about meaningful and wide-ranging growth in the nation’s economy and infrastructure—is too limited a solution to the nation’s many problems. After all, no one, including Uncle Sam himself, can honestly blame the president alone for all the problems facing Nigeria today. It follows therefore, if we approach the solution from the same premise, that getting President Obasanjo to vacate Aso Rock would not guarantee an end to our troubles. Indeed, the way I see it, whoever gets into Aso Rock after Obj would have as difficult a task, if not more so, as Obj himself is having, in convincing Nigerians that he is making genuine attempts to bring about a positive change in our fortunes. So why does Uncle Sam expend so much creative energy on unveiling the president’s shortcomings? At that time, Uncle Sam launched into an elaborate explanation that went all the way back to the time of General IBB. In effect, the way I understood it, he said the former military president was the one who destroyed the structures of statecraft that had stridently guarded against large-scale corruption in the past by arrogating excessive powers to the office of the president, watering down long-held control measures, eliminating vetting valves and encouraging graft, thereby paving the way for the unprecedented levels of abuse that have continued to this day. I reiterate that the foregoing are my words and I stand to be corrected if I have erred in interpreting the gist of my discussion with Uncle Sam. In any case, it occurred to me at the time that what we—and that includes Uncle Sam—should be pursuing are reforms that would restore those structures that ensured public officers simply couldn’t line their pockets straight from the coffers of the state and also wither away some of the powers currently vested in the office of the president because of the abuse these powers have been subjected to. For though it is true many of us feel greatly disappointed by Obj’s lacklustre performance thus far, the bigger issue, to my mind, is the system, as it is operated today, not just the operators or operator-in-chief of the system. Naturally, this does not mean we should condone or encourage ineffective or fraudulent leadership, whatever system may be in operation. Last Wednesday, at the pre-event dinner of the Second Annual Trust Dialogue, I cornered the ever cheerful Uncle Sam and for a few minutes we went back to talking about the excessive powers of the office of the president and how these powers have allowed the incumbent to operate with impunity on virtually all fronts. Though our conversation did not last long, I left with the impression that Uncle Sam’s passion, where Obj is concerned, has not abated one bit, and that in all fairness to Uncle Sam, we cannot continue to not do something about these excessive powers in our collective interest. The next day, Thursday 13th January 2005, at the Dialogue proper, the matter of political leadership and its effect on developmental reforms of all sorts repeatedly surfaced at the forum. The knowledgeable and renowned duo of Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi and Professor Sam Aluko gave the matter emphatic mention. Understandably, the equally well-informed and distinguished Professor Mike Kwanashie, a senior political appointee in the office of the vice president, spoke less about political leadership reform. Yet he and the two gentlemen mentioned earlier presented edifying papers on the theme of this year’s event; Reforming Nigeria, Which Model? Their papers, though differing justifiably in the salient points, were a tribute to these three outstanding minds. Also speaking brilliantly at the occasion, more so because he spoke off the cuff, the representative of the Kano State governor, Dr Tijani Naniya, made the point which is at the heart of this article. After summing up the essential information he had garnered from the three main speakers, Dr Naniya told the gathering that virtually every developed society in the world first had to deal with the issue of political leadership reform before tackling reform matters on the economic front. I couldn’t see Uncle Sam’s face at that material time but I am almost certain he must have been nodding enthusiastically at that point. Though his was no earth-shaking revelation, I applauded Dr Naniya’s contribution because I believe we simply cannot run away from the need for major reforms in the manner this country is governed, especially at the top. The overriding importance of this question cannot be wished away, which may explain why the Obasanjo administration is now organising a constitutional conference of sorts under the moniker National Political Reform Conference (NPRC). That the president is willing to contemplate such an event at all must have startled those who habitually complain of his stubborn, never-listening disposition. Apparently he’s determined to prove those critics wrong, if only on this one count. Of course, knowing President Obasanjo, as we all should by now, and bearing in mind how the Oputa Panel has ended up being a non-starter, one cannot help but wonder if the NPRC will not end up being exactly what Professor Wole Soyinka has already dubbed it, a “presidential retreat” to do the president’s bidding. Even if Obj’s retreat fails to do exactly as he wishes, it has crossed my mind that setting the review of the 1999 constitution, which is constitutionally the prerogative of the National Assembly, as part of the goals of the NPRC, may be a not so clever delayed action trick. What’s to stop an Nzeribe getting an injunction from an Egbo-Egbo rendering the recommendations of the NPRC null and void on account of violating the provisions of the constitution? Should matters come to such a pass, you may expect Obj to clear his throat three times and then give us his most sincere scowl while he gruffly declares, “My hands are tied!” Nonetheless, while the matter is still in the offing, I’d like to briefly outline a few suggestions that the potential discussants may consider: 1. Directly elected vice president and deputy governors with constitutionally entrenched definite job descriptions: In my opinion, the VP, in as much as he has to work closely with the president, should not be the president’s handbag. In fact, he mustn’t necessarily be a member of the president’s party. Neither should deputy governors exist at the mercy of their governors. This category of public officers should be elected in their own right and the constitution should be amended to reflect specific assignments they are mandated to carry out and not just the subsidiary roles they now play at the behest of their bosses. Of course, how we’ll know they are truly elected is another thing and a matter for another day. Incidentally, while we’re on the issue of deputies, I should mention that I have heard talk of a proposal for one VP for each of the six nonsensically demarcated geo-political zones. I believe we’ll do well to keep in mind this old American witticism: The USA has one VP it never really knows what to do with, so how come American companies always have so many vice presidents? Are we about to finally affirm that this country is an American company? Hmm! If we’re simply looking for avenues to put our perennial political jobbers in public offices where they’ll do absolutely nothing other than corner their share of the proverbial national cake in their own right, and not just as hangers-on to those in power, let’s go ahead. After all, it would be preposterous not to acknowledge that the government, by virtue of its already incredibly bloated size, is no less institutionally criminal in itself than the holders of bogus offices like the special assistant to the special assistant to the special assistant to whoever-it-is. My point, no doubt a mistaken one to some, is that the criminality of a few—as deplorable as that may be—should not be an excuse why the rest should not move forward. I should add that Professor Sam Aluko, speaking at the Second Annual Trust Dialogue, made what I consider a more telling point when he revealed that 95 percent of Nigerians are not corrupt, nor do they even have the opportunity to be corrupt. I am simply asking here why we should forever allow the five percent of Nigerians that are corrupt, or that have the opportunity to be corrupt, to keep holding us back. 2. An elected prime ministerial post with a constitutionally defined integrated development ministry oversight role: Our so-called presidential system is basically a one-man system, whether at the centre or at the composite units. That is why there will always be a maddening dash with regards to who gets to occupy the top post. After all, it’s the only prize. Whoever gets there holds both the yam and the knife. I suggest we tinker with the system by pruning the powers of the top posts. In essence, either we take away the yam or we take away the knife. In relation to the office of the president particularly, we should amend the constitution to reduce the ability of the holder of that office to dictate virtually everything by placing some of the powers therein directly in the office of the vice president and creating a prime ministerial office to which some of the president’s functions should be transferred so that we end up with a triumvirate of sorts but with a clear pecking order. The integrated development ministry which the prime minister would oversee should primarily be an engine of research and prioritisation because we all know just how often we get our priorities wrong in this country. Also, among others, one attraction the prime ministerial post holds is that while he would not necessarily be the head of government, as is the case in parliamentary democracies, he should be sufficiently empowered to make the post worthwhile in the perpetual ego-flattering sharing arrangement eternally championed by those who believe Nigeria belongs to only three ethnic nationalities who must always be pacified otherwise we would all cease to exist. This fallacy would easily be laid to rest if only we would all look beyond our noses. But since we’re clearly in no hurry to do so, we might as well make the best of a bad situation and get on with it in our collective interest. 3. Elected ministers and commissioners: Parliamentary system through the backdoor? Perhaps. In any event, what does it matter if it works and we get out of this unending rut we’re in? Please, let this be clear: I do not trifle. I am making this suggestion so that those who hold the rest of us by the jugular because everyone around them were merely invited to “come and chop” would have to contend with the reality that their cabinet members are there (to ‘chop’ as it is) in their own right, not at the master’s whim. I’m not saying we should hold spurious elections to every imaginable office. A neater arrangement would be to delineate more constituencies were necessary so that ministers and commissioners could constitutionally be drawn from elected members of the legislature at the various levels of government. This arrangement works very well in other places. It’s very likely we’ll find some way to abuse it here but I still think is a better deal than the present “come and chop” system. Meanwhile, it should be entrenched into the constitution that the president cannot function as the de facto minister of any ministry. President Obasanjo has been, in effect, the minister of foreign affairs and in fact the minister of petroleum resources. This, to my mind, is a murky arrangement. Of course, the above is not an exhaustive list. But our cause is clear: we have to reform our political processes. My objective is merely to set the ball rolling and to ask that we all pitch in to hammer out a system that we can work with—given our peculiarities—which will take us somewhere other than the nowhere we’re perpetually heading to. We’re not likely to get anywhere if we don’t change the way our leaders are brought into power and how they are mandated to lead us. The way things are now, if Uncle Sam—perhaps one of Obasanjo’s most severe critics and a man whom I know means well—were to become the president tomorrow, there’s the possibility he might just swagger around like Obj, discountenancing all counsel. After all, Professor Aluko told us just the other day that he knows President Obasanjo means well. But where has that taken us? So, should we reach a time with a probably disappointing Uncle Sam in the saddle, the onus may well fall on me to write with as much passion as I can muster, such unflattering things that would cause our hypothetical leader to mend his ways. And if we’re to judge by Uncle Sam’s inability to persuade Obj to mend his ways, despite a prodigious output, I might as well hope to grow wings and fly. Better to begin now to do what we must do to set things right. Ogbeh’s fall and the next target Chief Audu Ogbeh would have done well to have smiled off on his own to that farm he’s now talking about after his letter to the president went public. To be fair to him, he probably was worried about how the famous “killing machine” would react. And there was (still is) the danger that the only power that be could very well have him tried for treason and the usual crimes that go in tandem with that. Nevertheless, the humiliation he’s been put through now, in addition to the shady insinuations—regardless of their merit or the lack thereof—hurts our collective psyche. To the hounds now doing the hounds master’s bidding, the saying, “There, but for God, goes I,” should help focus their minds. Meanwhile, it should be obvious now that Obj is on the warpath with anybody he so much as suspects covets even an iota of the power and glory that should be all his, say till 2012 or thereabout. With this in mind, I’m wondering how VP Atiku Abubakar sleeps these days. With one eye open, abi? Crispin Oduobuk is the Group Literary Editor of the Trust papers |
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