04 Aug 2006 |
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There are three trains of thought traversing the political terrain. The first is that of the durable conservative establishment which has been seasoned by decades in power and is notably personified by titans like the former heads of state, Ibrahim Babangida and Mohamadu Buhari, and a more contemporary model in Vice president, Atiku Abubakar. There is also the centrist reformist tendency represented by President Olusegun Obasanjo and his allies, notably young Turks within the PDP. Thirdly there is a group, which I have dubbed the ‘new progressives’_ the latter day incarnation of the Lagos-Ibadan axis politicos who made a name for themselves during the nineties by portraying themselves as heirs of Obafemi Awolowo and by venerating his place in the Nigerian political cosmology. The old progressives failed to attain national victory and failed to renew their fourth republic vehicle, the I believe that while the new progressives have the intellectual and moral credentials to contest for power, they lack the political savvy and intelligence that are vital to attaining victory. This is why despite the rhetoric of the Okoties and their ilk, the new progressives or alternative politicians will not win in 2007. Traditionally, the progressive school has always maintained a readymade thesis explaining its consistent electoral failures. It is the subversion of the electorate by the elite and the rigging of elections at all levels. This thesis has become so popular that the expectation of conservative manipulation of the electoral process seems to have excused the progressives from the conventional rigours of politicking. Rigging and electoral manipulation are factual and undesirable elements of Nigerian politics but this is not all there is to the failure of the Nigerian progressives. The idea that if not for rigging, the progressives would have ruled Secondly, the conservative establishment has always been more adept at building and sustaining networks and alliances over long periods. For example, the PDP is linked genetically to the Second republic National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and thus the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) of the first republic. For this reason, the conservatives have always had a wide range of allegiances to call upon in each political dispensation. By contrast the alliance between Awolowo’s Action Group and Joseph Tarka’s United Middle-belt Congress (UMBC) was never maximized and was consequently abandoned by subsequent generations of progressives. The prospect of an alliance between the northern minorities and the southern minorities (in today’s parlance, the Middle-belt and the Niger-delta or South-south), potentially the strongest geopolitical coalition in Their lack of political infrastructure and support systems means that the progressives are aiming for a target that is out of range. If they had been building their networks over the years it would have been a different matter. Many are starting from scratch. Consequently they will stretch themselves too thin and lose out without even minor victories. This is why I believe that Professor Patrick Utomi would have been better served running for the governorship of Delta, his home state. He is of far better quality than many of the names in contention. While the conservatives have been assisted by a variety of factors including vote rigging (a sport over which they cannot be accused of a monopoly), they have also shown greater dexterity and mastery of real politik. The progressives always seem to approach politics with a certain naiveté and they have demonstrated a frustrating inability to build the right alliances with ideological allies everywhere. Those progressives often fail to appreciate the expanse of In one of the ironies of our history, the greatest hope for change lies in the emergence of a centrist reformist cell from the bowels of the conservative establishment. When Obasanjo was elected in 1999, he was marketed as a reliable servant of the conservative order, an elder statesman who would stabilize the polity by bridging the military-civilian and north-south divides. The last thing, he could have been suspected of was of being a closet reformer. In the last eight years, Obasanjo has more than rocked the boat; he is in the process of sinking it and building a new one. He has thus emerged as the patriarchal reformer of modern The internal conflict in the PDP is a struggle between the patrician conservatives and the centrist reformists. The schism between the president and the vice president may also be interpreted in this light to some extent. The appearance of the Advanced Congress of Democrats (ACD) is of no consequence in itself. It was formed by conservative elements that have lost out in Obasanjo’s reconfiguration of the PDP. The ACD is the shed skin of the ruling party; a husk that will fulfill its purpose as a vehicle for the last stand of the conservatives in 2007. This is why so much depends on the outcome of the PDP primaries. The rebirth of the party will be complete if it selects a centrist reformist ticket made up of competent political operatives of whom the party can boast quite a few. I realize that there is a certain absurdity in describing the PDP as a reformist party but Nigerian politics has its ironies. History suggests that there is a logic of change found in revolutions and political shifts. It is that change agents and reformers know that they cannot afford to indulge in the luxury of unbridled idealism. Certain compromises must be negotiated as a means to serve an ultimate end. This is the pragmatism that has seen Obasanjo cast in an unlikely role as reformer and the PDP as a vehicle for these reforms. The bane of the progressives among others has been a tendency towards an arrogant Puritanism and an idealism unanchored to political reality. That is why they won’t win in 2007.
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