18

Dec

2008

For Ribadu; For Nigeria PDF Print E-mail
By Chido Onumah

Written by Chido Onumah

I tried very hard not to get entangled in the Ribadu fray -- not that it wasn’t worth attention -- simply because Ribadu was my boss at the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and there is very little one can say about the man that won’t draw accusations of partisanship. But the more I tried to restrain myself, the harder it was to stay aloof, particularly in light of the tragic incidents in Jos, Plateau State, a few weeks ago.

I have chills each time I read reports of the senseless mayhem in Jos. We will never know how many Nigerians died in that bloody incident, the value of property lost, or the cost in terms of the economy. We do not pay attention to such trivialities; we have become so numb to bloody orgies, so desensitised to the plight of our fellow citizens, including children. It appears while the government was busy pursuing Ribadu in a Gestapo manner, it overlooked its responsibility to protect lives and property of Nigerians.

What happened in Jos was an indictment of the Yar’Adua administration. Considering the history of the city, Inspector-General of Police, Sir (Dr.) Mike Mbata Okiro and his men ought to have prevented the massacre of innocent citizens or contained it as soon as it started. But they probably had better things to do – run Ribadu out of town! Will someone in this administration stand up and take “responsibility” for this carnage? It is unfortunate that the Yar’Adua administration has spent so much time and energy hounding an individual; it is tragic that it has decided to make the humiliation of Ribadu the centre piece of its anti-corruption fight, trading its seven-point development agenda for the infernal “four-point agenda” of venal politicians: The removal of Ribadu as chair of EFCC; his demotion; dismissal from the police force; and imprisonment.

The Ribadu saga has become a national obsession, and rightly so. Corruption remains the greatest challenge of the Nigerian State. You can feel its fangs in everything that has gone wrong in Nigeria, including the bloody incident in Jos. Only recently, the Guardian (10/12/08) reported former Super Eagles coach, Christian Chukwu, as saying that “Nigeria would continue to stumble in international football unless the massive corruption in the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) was tackled”. For Nigeria, corruption, it appears, is a national ethos; it is the norm rather than the exception as is the case in other countries.

So it was a great relief when former President Olusegun Obasanjo set up the EFCC five years ago under the leadership of Mallam Nuhu Ribadu. Relief, not because Nigerians trusted Obasanjo, but relief in that many saw it as an opportunity, no matter how limited, to begin the process of addressing the issue of corruption in Nigeria.  The EFCC under Ribadu was a strong organisation. It may have had its shortcomings. But these were problems that would have been corrected as the country “matured” democratically, and as the man who set it up and whom critics accused of interfering with its operations was no longer in charge. Under Ribadu, there were prosecutions, convictions, and recovery of stolen wealth; he ran an efficient and effective organisation, one that had focus, even if occasionally abrasive.

There are those who argue that with the stranglehold corruption has on Nigeria, it is impossible to achieve anything without being highhanded. I leave that argument to the Bamidele Aturus of this world who kept the EFCC under Ribadu on its toes and made a case, quite convincingly I must add, about the tactics of the Commission. The Ribadu I worked with was a man with a mission. He made it clear, at least to those who worked with him, that he did not have all the answers. Perhaps, that was why he was open to bringing in “outsiders” to help shape the anti-corruption campaign. By the time he was scurrilously removed as head of the EFCC, the Commission’s plan for an effective civil society anti-corruption project was in top gear.

What started as a simple desire to get celebrity endorsement for the war against corruption soon transformed into a movement, encompassing students, corps members, youth, the academia, NGOs and CBOs, the religious community, the media, the business community, and organised labour, under the banner of Fix Nigeria Initiative (FNI). It was Ribadu’s idea. He believed the EFCC had to go beyond the “bravado” and “showmanship” of enforcement; he knew that while investigation and prosecution were important, it was crucial, considering how deeply ingrained corruption was in Nigeria, to get the buy-in of Nigerians and make civil society the driving force in the war against corruption.  

Ribadu was dedicated to his job. He was deeply concerned about how he would be judged and he wanted posterity to judge him positively. His office was always open to all and sundry. He would occasionally drive himself to the Fix Nigeria office on weekends, interact with staff and discuss work plans for the weeks ahead.  He was always amenable to new ideas and initiatives that would engage Nigerians, particularly youth, in the anti-corruption campaign.

I was among those who wished Ribadu had resigned both as chair of EFCC and as a police officer the moment Yar’Adua came to power. I remember when these shenanigans began in the early days of the Yar’Adua administration when one blustery publisher of an influential newspaper with a business and showbiz bias sauntered into Ribadu’s office and cajoled him to resign because the government had concluded plans to mess him up. Ribadu’s response was that he was not going to resign and if the government wanted to sack him it should go ahead and do exactly that.

Ribadu stayed on, perhaps as a measure of his passion and desire to continue the fight against corruption and not to link it to any particular regime. Maybe it was the assurance, as it has been speculated, that he would be allowed to continue as head of the Commission after NIPSS. Some critics say it was simply naiveté on his part. That is now history! Today, the war against corruption is all but grounded. All we hear from the current leadership of the EFCC is news of renewed looting spree by government officials and billions of naira in stolen wealth being siphoned out of the country everyday by corrupt politicians and their accomplices. Not quite heart-warming and reassuring, Mrs. Waziri! It sounds more like the rule of fraud than the rule of law.

I must state unequivocally that I do not have issues with the government removing Ribadu as chairman of the EFCC per se; neither is there a problem holding Ribadu to account if the government feels it has a case. That is Yar’Adua’s prerogative as President of Nigeria. But from the subplot of the hunt for Ribadu, starting from the rhetoric of the Attorney General, Michael Aondoaka, about bringing under his office the prosecutorial powers of the EFCC, Ribadu’s demotion and the NIPSS fiasco, it is clear that this is not about impropriety on the part of Ribadu. It is settling of scores in its crudest form; an orchestrated attempt to shield corrupt politicians and make a mockery of the fight against corruption.

We would not have had the Ribadu predicament if the present regime had any clue or was interested in actually fighting corruption. From the moment it was “elected” in April 2007, it would have told Nigerians that it was removing Ribadu and appointing its own arrowhead to lead the anti-corruption process. Obviously it did not because it had no strategy to tackle corruption or as it is becoming obvious daily, the many challenges confronting the country.

I don’t know how the Ribadu crisis will end, but there are enough reasons to be concerned. The Nigerian State, and the police is no exception, has an uncanny way of consuming its own. Remember Alozie Ogugbuaja?

conumah@hotmail.com



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RobotRobot is offline

 # 1 | 18.12.2008 07:08

Written by Chido Onumah I tried very hard not to get entangled in the Ribadu fray -- not that it wasn’t worth attention -- simply because Ribadu was my boss at the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and there is very little one can say about the man that won’t draw accusations of partisanship. But the more I tried to restrain myself, the harder it was to stay aloof, particularly in light of the tragic incidents in Jos, Plateau State, a few weeks ago. I have chills each time I read reports of the senseless mayhem in Jos. We will never know how many Nigerians died in that bloody incident, the value of property lost, or the cost in terms of the economy. We do not pay attention to such trivialities; we have become so numb to bloody orgies, so desensitised to the plight of our fellow citizens, including children. It appears while the government was busy pursuing Ribadu in a Gestapo manner, it overlook...Read the full article.

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uzosikeuzosike is offline

 # 2 | 18.12.2008 17:23

This man will be out in 2011 gunning for the president of the United State of Nigeria. He remains the most descent and honest president that must bring our nation Nigerian to it's rightful place. He is the one.
Mandave London

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DapxinDapxin is offline

 # 3 | 18.12.2008 18:02

Because I have not heard about Alozie Ogugbuaja, I went googling and found this. here http://www.thisdayonline.com/archive/2002/02/23/20020223com01.html

May prove useful to someone...

And thanks for an insiders perspective on this NR show.


Towards Saving the Police Force
By Alozie Ogugbuaja
This letter is addressed to Nigerians, to all Nigerians, and Nigerians yet unborn. With the forces of Macduff marching on Dunsinane, with Lady Macbeth neurotically sick, Macbeth was compelled to enquire of the doctor for a laxative that could purge the mind of the Queen to make her whole again. The physician frankly replied that he knew of no drug to purge the mind. ".....my lord, therein the patient must minister to himself". But in a quiet soliloquy, the physician further noted that "unnatural deed do breed unnatural diseases".

The action by certain sections within the junior rank of the .Nigeria Police on February 1, 2002 touched the soul of the nation. That police action was an "unnatural disease" bred by, "unnatural deeds".

At the Justice Mustapha Akanbi Tribunal probing students riots in Nigeria, in 1986,1 had, in a two-hour submission, drawn attention to all these junior police officers who are now protesting. And more. The nation ignored. In 1987, I had done a memo calling on the police authority to establish a Nigeria Police Union. Again, it remained ignored. There was a time it was a taboo to even mention police problems. This was during the military empire. The police leadership called me a liar. They claimed that Nigerian police officers were one of the highest paid and happiest humans in the world. I was vilified and crucified. But were these same officers complaining now on the moon when I was betrayed 16 years ago? Now, every local policeman, in their candlelit stations and traffic warden, is delivering a manifesto on the denigration and wreck of the police by military juntas. These police officers are cowards of criminal proportions. They abandoned me with an unfinished revolution. But I shall never abandon the police cause and course. Meanwhile, It sounds fraudulent to hear any soldier complain. They came, they saw, they conquered. If their superiors conquered only on behalf of selves and families, we did not know. The aggrieved soldiers should know where to direct their attention for redress. Recently, I did a memo to the present establishment to establish a police union. Happily, and for the first time, the IG listened. It is most unfortunate that this event happened during the Smith regime, the first to take far- reaching decisions on the police union. If only those junior officers had a means of knowing this development, the saga would have been averted. It should take our National Assembly less than 30 minutes to pass a bill on the police union Act.

Police unions are not alien to the service. They exist in Britain. They exist in the USA, etc. The only proviso is that, due to the peculiar nature of their duties, the police unions are expressly forbidden by the establishing legislation from affiliating with the National Labour union. The Union is also forbidden from embarking on strike. Apart from these, the union performs and fulfills all functions of a trade union.

The British police picketed three times for pay rise, and the establishment of a police union. The police in the USA did. But these struggles were not in vain. For instance, the last strike of the British police in 1919 1ed to the establishment of a police union in Britain. This was on the recommendation of the Desborough committee.

Israel has the opportunity, and capability to assassinate the Palestinian leader, Yasser Arafat. They will not do it. Not just because of the implications in international relations, and opinion. Israel will not do it because they need Arafat. Hate him, like him, he remains the contact point for dialogue. He is the rallying point of the Palestinian struggle. Without his organisation, splinter extremist groups, not ready for dialogue, would emerge. And so it is. The police leadership, since inception of the Consular Guard in 1861, has not had a forum to feel the pulse, feelings, aspirations and frustrations of the members of the Nigeria Police. This bridge of understanding between the police officers and the State, between the police staff and management, has been wide and very long. The British predatory administration failed to establish a police union because it was not in their interest to do so.

Secondly, the leadership had for too long exploited the culture of discipline existent in a Command institution to oppress and suppress serving members. A superior exercises the authority to openly tell an inferior in rank to "shut up, and wait for your time". The legitimacy or merit of the subordinate's request matters not.

Thirdly, there is the absence of a culture of loyalty to subordinates. At Owerri, during the Nigerian civil war, the Nigerian regiment was totally cut off. Paltry supplies were dropped by air. The men ate rats. They ate lizards. The commander had the opportunity to be evacuated. He refused. I shall never leave you", he reassured his men. This unsung commander lost his life at Owerri. The German Admiral commanding the greatest warship in history, the BISMARCK, remained at his command post, refusing to abandon ship. Crippled by bombardment, he permitted his men to start escaping. There he stood. He sank with the ship.

Military officers in Nigeria are more loyal to their subordinates. In Nigeria, however, there is an additional reason for this. In a politicised army, officers target "wicked" superiors during "night of the long knives", and during the ensuing military junta. police superiors trample upon their juniors because the police establishment does not organise coups to overthrow the government. February I was the police "day of the long knives". Though a poor imitation.

The year 1861-2002 is a very long time. If the accumulated problems of the Nigeria police are not addressed at this hour, the next crisis might assume a violent dimension. The leadership should not wait for a frustrated corporal, or sergeant, to turn his gun inwards, against his superiors.

No person has questioned the veracity or sagacity of this street documentary of the Nigeria police woes. What appears to be in contention is the 'undue process' adopted by the junior officers. But such a unilateral view is inherent with the intellectual danger of treating symptoms whilst ignoring causes. I suggest a holistic approach. The ICP is in a position to review the cases of the defaulting police officers, in whatever direction.

I fervently appeal that in exercising his enormous power and authority on these poor, hungry, and wretched of Nigeria, he may wish to blend this power with glory. I appeal to him, as the father of the service, and as a sociologist, to place this entire issue in its socio-economic perspective, political context and historical sequence. To see it in terms of pardonable deviance, rather than in purely legalistic terms. It might be more worthy to consider this syndrome an altruistic expression, rather than an egoistic aberration.

The fundamental way for the police leadership and the State to be in tune with officers and men, from Sokoto to Calabar, Lagos to Maiduguri, and to feel their pulse, and thence offer effective and efficient leadership, is to establish a police union. With the people's mandate, a peoples police is the conscience of the nation. Throughout my police career, I had always prayed "to be so strengthened so that the power of my example shall far exceed the authority of my rank" (Pauline H. Peter) "The power of the example" of the February 1 police action far exceeded the authority of their little ranks. The "good revolution is the successful revolution. While some policemen are languishing in detention, many are receiving commendation and gifts for loyalty. Many so-called prominent Nigerians have, in criminal conspiracy, overthrown governments in Nigeria. This is treason. Many of these culprits today are in top government positions, in the National Assembly, etc. Shockingly, many of them even are walking our streets dangling our highest national honours. Yet, their crimes were more culpable than what these few wretched of Nigeria junior police officers have done. Their example was bad for discipline. But the message stands true, loud and very clear for the whole world to hear.

History is listening. Watching. Waiting for the revolution I initiated 16 years ago to be completed. Not by the wretched, poor and hungry corporals and Inspectors. The revolution should be completed by the Nigerian government in the interest of the continued existence of this nation.

Ogugbuaja, a former FPRO , writes from Lagos


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IgboamaezeIgboamaeze is offline

 # 4 | 19.12.2008 14:23


The Ribadu saga has become a national obsession, and rightly so. Corruption remains the greatest challenge of the Nigerian State. You can feel its fangs in everything that has gone wrong in Nigeria, including the bloody incident in Jos. Only recently, the Guardian (10/12/08) reported former Super Eagles coach, Christian Chukwu, as saying that “Nigeria would continue to stumble in international football unless the massive corruption in the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) was tackled”. For Nigeria, corruption, it appears, is a national ethos; it is the norm rather than the exception as is the case in other countries.


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Everyone knows the RING LEADER of the corrupt ring in Nigerian Football/sports who bestrode the national sports "narrow world like a collossus". He has looted and looted: pre-EFCC Ribadu, during EFCC Ribadu and post EFCC Ribadu (until he was forced out only recently). He made billions under COJA as he did in previous high budget national and international sports fiestas.

But Ribadu NEVER looked his way. Another evidence of a wicked, evil and hypocritic "war against corruption" a la Ribadu.


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I like the post on Alozie Ogugbuaja. He was kicked out promptly for speaking out for the police force. Ribadu has since constituted himself into a one man opposition and alternate IG of police but all he gets is a pat on the back by the authorites.

Talk of all animals being equal but...

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IgboamaezeIgboamaeze is offline

 # 5 | 19.12.2008 14:35

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Leadership (Abuja)

Nigeria: Ribadu Should Go
17 December 2008

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editorial

Perhaps, very few people would publicly rise in defence of the Nigerian Police Force, against charges of indolence, corruption, incompetence and villainy, because, let's say it, the force has earned its reputation. For harbouring some of its members who take part in election rigging, armed robbery, wilful killings, etc, the police stand accused.

But the damnedest crisis that the Nigeria Police Force, as an institution appears to face yet, has been the current destructive activism and public posturing of its ex-wunderkind Malam Nuhu Ribadu. Pointless to rehash what led to Malam Nuhu's present activism mood - how power got through to him, lifted him to the clouds, and from where he has refused to come down, till this day - but we should note that the conundrum is weird, distracting; and sadly, it is nearing a point where the image of the police, as a serious public institution, could be dismantled.

We condemn the police authorities for failing to call the young officer (with big rank, then) to order, when he resisted their directive to proceed to NIPSS. We wonder about their prevarication to order officer Ribadu to be wearing his official uniform at official ceremonies, and we can't understand why the authorities cannot cause their errant staff to come before a disciplinary panel to explain himself. This is shocking and obscene.

For those who speculate that the man cannot be sacked because he knows too much, we are left to wonder what it is that he knows that much! And if indeed, that's the case, those public commentators who have enlisted in the Ribadu support camp should rather call for his sack, so that the anti-corruption war can gain genuine momentum, hence.

Ribadu, we believe, knows what manner of shame awaits an exposed corrupt public officer in Nigeria. And he does equally know the instinctive reactions of those innocent, accused of corrupt practices. They don't shout, hide or resort to histrionics - they would quietly go in, to state their case perhaps because there are no role models, or any easy reference, when it comes to the question of courage, discipline, commitment and distinction in public office, Nigeria has become such a famished patch in matters of public morality. If the activist officer is being investigated for buying house (s), even in Abuja, Lagos, Kaduna, or Yola, which cost could be considered to be far beyond his public service earning range, then he should have questions to answer. If it is true that he received some funds from home and abroad in the course of running the EFCC, and he is now refusing invitation to come forth to explain how such were used, then he should have questions to answer. And if, indeed, he presided over an EFCC that seized properties of those convicted for engaging in illegalities and sold same, then in the spirit of transparency, public probity and accountability, Ribadu ought to be whistling his way to EFCC, where, once more, he can seize the limelight to showcase the reared of his tenure there. But as it appears, he has reportedly defied his superiors. The instant thing to do should be to relieve him of the burden of contradiction of resorting to litigious pretences, when it was this same Ribadu who would ignore court orders, to lay siege and swoop on targeted political enemies of his former Baba.

It can be useful to examine the political context of the Ribadu situation, because if the Police Service Commission cannot ask the inspector-general to remove him from service, and even the IG is unable to make the man to answer a mere query, or indeed, the commander-inc-chief appearing reluctant to help save the image of the police, by ordering his sack, then the strength of such a "system monster" could lie deep within the system itself. Think. All the major actors and principals who were with former President Obasanjo, in those stormy years, are today with President Yar'Adua. They knew Ribadu, and Ribadu knew them; and collectively, they knew, and still understand all the fault lines within the system.

But to tolerate and permit this situation to fester can prove toxic, particularly to the Nigeria police, and the wider polity.

It would not be the first time the police have been faced with a challenge of the kind. We can also recall the saga of a certain Alozie Ogugbuaja. He was a police man, and officer and a gentleman, but equally a revolutionary - Alozie's methods and style of engagement were seminal, penetrating and quite absorbing.

He took on the system with such holy fury and a surprising verve; and perhaps, in the end, resignedly got burnt. So, what could possibly be the moral cause of Ribadu's solo revolution attempt at the Nigeria Police Force? I can answer, self.

As we have often argued on this subject, the fundamental problem had been to mistake one single Nigerian for a national institution; endow him with so much wide executive powers and lead him to the theatre of crude political debauchery. As the EFCC chair, Ribadu had the fortune of being introduced to the workings and the application of the powers of the public media, from where he also easily linked up with media's sister community, the civil society organization.

The present pro-Ribadu media reactions, should, therefore, be read in the above context. But probably unknown to Ribadu himself, he may well be on the road to overplaying his hand in the game.


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