Boko-haram, Biafra, Fulani 'herdsmen' and Yoruba in a pre-referendum Nigeria/
In Nigeria, the culture of 'settlement' dictates that once persons who have lost out in the pursuit of 'power' make a disruptive enough nuisance of themselves, the leadership (and a few followers) of the most disruptive elements are called aside and 'settled' by the powers-that-be. Obviously this sort of band-aid style problem solving will never work in the long run because, while there will always be losers in the struggle for 'juicy' in this Nigeria, the pot from which 'settlement' morsels are dished out will eventually dry out.
The only solution that will eradicate (or at least ameliorate) these ever-shifting geography-based tantrums is to devolve power in it's most meaningful incarnations from Abuja to regional centers. This would mean that agitations like the Kanuri-led boko haram insurgency and the Ibo-led movements for the actualisation of 'biafra' become puzzles to be solved (one way or another) by people who are not only the ones most directly concerned, but also the ones best placed to most judiciously implement solutions (due to their comprehensive familiarity with the extant complexities that make up event epicenters).   
For the rest, and indeed in one sense for us all, a full 25 years must be envisioned as the time it would take to implement a final solution to the myriad deadly confusions that bedevil our communities. By this I do not mean 25 years from right now (in 2015) but, 25 years from whenever it is that a set of people who are truly determined to do so can fully start processes whose end results are designed to lay the foundations of sustainable/utilitarian growth.
It will take 25 years because that is how long is needed for a generation of unsalvagable adult human junk to either die off or, be rendered more harmless (in an active sense) by age. If (from the first year of this 25) educational/re-educational structures are put in place that can orientate the upcoming generations so that they are facing the right way, then any current batch of self-destructive imbeciles will not be able to reproduce their future replacements.
This will require, amongst other things, the taking over by government of all educational institutions that youth pass through because the primary function of such institutions is to lay the foundations upon which the adult's mode of perception is (more often than not) constructed.
As far as Yoruba are concerned, the various false histories that many from other Nigerian nations base their view of us (fiction-based 'facts' that they increasingly demand that we accept as real history) must be scrupulously debunked:     
Contrary to the myth being peddled by the champions of nomadic cattle rearers, the access currently enjoyed by these nomads to pastures in Yorubaland is a relatively new phenomenon. For millenia before Nigeria was manufactured, Fula nomads did not have the easy access that they enjoy today. For example in Ijebuland, a paramilitary organisation called Parakoyi existed for the sole purpose of ensuring that entry by non-Ijebu into their territories was strictly monitored and curtailed once a certain threshold (which sometimes depended on the calender) was passed. If in those bygone days the Ijebu were so xenophobic that even others from the same Yoruba root could only traverse their territories under strict conditions, then what would have been the response to convoys of Fulani and their herds of cattle?
And of course there was the Oyo empire in northern Yorubaland: At what time during this empire's long history would Fulani have had licence to roam as they please with their herds? Was it when the empire, at the height of it's powers brooked no subordination from subject peoples or, was it when a state of war existed between the Oyo and Fulani jihadists? Did Fulani and their cattle wander as they please through the Ijeshaland of Ogedengbe? Did cattle belonging to these foreigners have free passage through the Ibadan of Oluyole or through the Abeokuta of Sodeke?
The long and short of it is this: there is no precedent in history that grants cattle-rearing Fulani nomads free right of passage through the farms and hunting grounds of Yoruba people. Therefore, from the point of view of any Yoruba with self-respect, what needs to be worked out is not the ways through which this detrimental innovation can be regularised but, a way to restore the ancient and non-negotiable right of Yoruba peoples to be the sole masters of their own lands and properties.
If the advice above is objectionable, if in fact there are still some who believe that Fulani herdsmen - a group engaged in their own private enterprise - deserve to be granted public support in the form of land put aside and dedicated for their sole use, then why not also create hunting reserves for hunters of 'bush-meat' in all parts of Nigeria? Why not also set aside in every single local government area, a specific number of hectares that will be given gratis to real estate developers, bankers, petrol station owners, and last but not least, shop-keepers?   
As for those Ibo who will not let other rest with their caterwauling for a mythical magic homeland that they call 'biafra', it is past time that they should be reminded of a few realities. Nigeria is and was the best thing to happen to the Ibo collective. Prior to it's existence, the only large scale communal organisation created by the Ibo people was the Aro slave trading confederacy. It took the British (via the agency of their Nigeria colony) to drag those other Ibo who were not a part of this predatory confederacy out of their bucolic existence in stone-age villages and hamlets. Enugu, which for a long time was the only urban settlement worth the description in Iboland, was founded by the British as a coal-mining settlement. And most important of all, it is the existence of Nigeria as one corporate entity that gave (and continues to give) millions of Ibo license to settle in urban and rural areas outside Iboland.
So what exactly do these people mean when they seek to portray themselves as some modern day version of Israelites in Egypt? There is no pharaoh telling Ibo that they cannot leave; they are (and have always been) free to leave Eko, Abeokuta, Ibadan, Akure, Ondo, Ilesha, Ikorodu, Sagamu, Ado, and the other one thousand towns and villages in all parts of Yorubaland that they have been freely conducting business in. If they want to leave, all they have to do is get in their cars (or join buses) and head eastwards.
With regards to the matter of a referendum to settle issues to do with the current structure of Nigeria, it is essential to ensure that participants can only make their views count in whatever part of the country they are indigenous to.
It is no secret that the results of 2015's federal elections in Yorubaland were affected by the votes of non-Yoruba who are resident in the region - people who to a man voted not for the interests of the region, but in favour of the party that they believed would serve the interests of their own ethnic group. Therefore, since the referendum that we are talking about is one that will decide the nature of future relationship between Nigeria's many nations, it stands to reason that no region should have it's fate decided by non-indigenes.
The form of 'democracy' practised in Nigeria has nothing to do with ideology; parties and political alliances are not based on ideas of how best to handle the economy (macro and/or micro) or, how best to develop material (as well as human) infrastructure. Politics has gradually devolved into a process that is mainly concerned with how best to advance ones self in a world of deadly, conniving, treacherous predators. It is therefore to be expected that individuals will see certain issues when at home one way and, see it another way when in a foreign land. That being so, we Yoruba should not be asked to accept a situation where people will impose results upon us that they would never accept in their own homeland. We will not accept a situation where non-Yoruba voters are permitted to form blocs that can affect the outcome of questions posed regarding certain fundamental issues.
Again: If there is to be a referendum, then people should only be able to cast their votes in their places of origin. Yoruba must not accept a situation where non-Yoruba people will have a say in decisions about the future disposition of Yorubaland.