24

Jan

2007

Soyinka: Beating the drums of intolerance and sectarian regimentation PDF Print E-mail
By Aonduna Tondu

SOYINKA: BEATING THE DRUMS OF INTOLERANCE AND SECTARIAN REGIMENTATION

Wole Soyinka’s mischief-laden diatribe against the Buhari candidacy should be exposed for what it is, namely, a rabidly intolerant intrusion in our public discourse that is reactionary to the extreme. Couched in the language of atavistic proselytization, the outburst by the Nobel laureate will no doubt be music to the ears of those who have since 1999 sought refuge in the divisive politics of the current tyrant at Aso Rock - the ‘born-again’ Olusegun Obasanjo, a debilitating symbol of disunity and sectarian regimentation.

One is rudely confronted with Soyinka’s intolerance when he implies that the millions of Buhari supporters across the nation are not thinking as rational beings and wonders why they should not be subjected to psychiatric evaluation. Now, by assuming an omniscient, know-all posture that is intolerant of dissenting opinion – after all Soyinka’s view on the Buhari candidacy for the 2007 presidential election is only but a view amongst millions out there – the author of Kongi’s Harvest is exhibiting the very excesses he rightly says African dictators are guilty of. And related to the writer’s intolerance are his impudence and arrogance – two traits he claims Buhari is guilty of – as demonstrated in his attitude to Buhari supporters and the reasons for their support. Soyinka has refused to appreciate the tangible factors that have informed the critical mass of following the Buhari candidacy seems to be enjoying not just amongst the grass roots but also amongst the elites.

Surely, during his short-lived regime in the mid-1980s and outside the framework of that era, Buhari must have done something that the people can identify with to the extent that they continue to see in him a rare leader and true patriot who has come to symbolize today, more than any of the other candidates, the legitimate aspirations of the average Nigerian yearning for stability, law and order, respect for the Constitution, a decent living, etc. A leader whose endorsement cuts across ethnic, sectional as well as religious allegiances in a rainbow coalition of citizens fed up with the PDP-induced state of near-anarchy and anomie crippling the land should be the object of commendation and not that of a mean-spirited, legerdemain-like admonition by Soyinka and his ilk.

Anybody gifted with the ability to talk or write can tell stories, especially of the linear type. But commenting on events marking the history of a people does require the essential ingredients of context and balance – two elements that are sadly lacking in Soyinka’s shoddy, lopsided outburst. It is apparent that Soyinka’s account is burdened by partisan considerations. The Buhari legacy is presented in a slanted, monotonous and deeply obnoxious pitch that studiously avoids any meaningful assessment of the Buhari years in government, preferring instead to indulge in a tunnel-visioned excavation of our recent history. Worse still, The Nobel laureate has succumbed to the lowest common denominator in his haste to paint Buhari as something akin to the devil incarnate. In a desperate and futile attempt to present Buhari as a religious cum ethnic jingoist – the same scurrilous tactic Obasanjo’s PDP resorted to in the campaign for the 2003 elections that ended in a fiasco - Soyinka has conveniently chosen not to mention that some of Buhari’s staunchest opponents during his regime were from the predominantly Muslim North, Buhari’s region of origin. The picture that comes across therefore is one of a caricature of Buhari the man. Yet, as will soon be evident, by electing to pander to base, primordial loyalties of sectarian claustrophobia and suggestion, Soyinka has not only shot himself in the foot, he has also unmasked a side of him that is both sinister and parochial, namely, his history of worrisome double standards and bigotry.

Many a Nigerian will find it curious, to say the least, that barely three months to the 2007 presidential election, Soyinka is desperately and pathetically trying to resuscitate the offensive PDP propaganda that was peddled in 2003 against the Buhari-Okadigbo ticket by the regime of Obasanjo whose sordid track record since 1999 had made sure that the outfit and its leaders were going to lose the elections that year. Back then, the spin was that Buhari was a religious fanatic that could not be trusted. Soyinka’s resort to what is tantamount to an indolent rehash of this balderdash regarding Buhari’s supposed religious fanaticism coupled with the silly innuendo on his part about the general’s alleged ethnic bias must be seen as both sinister and retrogressive. Also sinister is the timing. Now, as in 2003, Obasanjo’s PDP is in serious danger of losing the presidential election, thanks to the current regime’s track record of sleaze and anti-people practices. In 2003, Soyinka threw his support behind the Obasanjo candidacy irrespective of the fact that the dictator has perhaps the worst human rights record amongst Nigeria’s rulers since independence as exemplified by his regime’s atrocities in Odi, Zaki-Biam and surrounding villages. Soon after the ‘419’ election of that year, a Thisday reporter wanted to know from Soyinka why he had chosen to keep quiet in the face of the excesses of the Obasanjo regime. Invoking old age and fatigue, Soyinka avoided the issue altogether and instead launched a blistering attack on Buhari. The sins of the latter: His guts and determination to contest the legitimacy of the Obasanjo regime in the light of the 2003 electoral heist in particular. The same Soyinka whose double standards and lack of generosity seem to inform his pathological aversion for Buhari had, until recently, conveniently chosen to look the other way regarding the atrocities and shortcomings of Obasanjo and his dictatorship. And with the PDP more than ever before in danger of being defeated in the forthcoming elections, Kongi has apparently decided to leave nothing to chance. Whether deliberate or unconscious, Soyinka’s unfortunate and needless intervention will have the consequence of tending to appeal to the more reactionary elements that are comfortable with the status quo as represented by Obasanjo’s PDP and its rigging machine. There are those who believe that Soyinka’s un-nuanced attack against Buhari may also be intended as a favor to an old friend – Obasanjo - who has spent the last three and a half years toying with every crude scheme imaginable that would ensure his political survival beyond May 29, 2007. Observers point out that Soyinka’s belated opposition to the reckless antics of the PDP and its owners is to a large extent steeped in histrionics.

Over the years, Wole Soyinka has played controversial roles in the politics of our country. Recent examples include his endorsement of the Babangida regime and the current Obasanjo tyranny, respectively. Soyinka it was who played a key role in the legitimization of Babangida and his dictatorship. When it was obvious to any educated person that Babangida was up to no good, the author of The Man Died made it a point of telling the world that the former tyrant from Minna was what he referred to as a“ listening president”! What these contradictions do is reveal an individual whose political judgment at critical moments of our history has been at best questionable.

Elsewhere, other commentators have had cause to question Soyinka’s threshold of tolerance regarding not just dissenting opinion but also those that do not belong to his cultural frame of reference. Recently, the Kenyan writer and teacher, Professor Ali Mazrui did accuse Soyinka of harboring prejudice against people of other cultures. In his letter to Soyinka entitled Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Soyinka: The Strange Case of Nobel Schizophrenia, Mazrui denounces Soyinka for his insinuation that because he (Mazrui) is not Nigerian, he lacks the credibility to comment on Nigeria-related matters. “You shrink from loving those who are culturally dissimilar. No wonder you are alienated from Northern Nigerians”, Mazrui told Soyinka. Soyinka and those who think like him should know that a great majority of Nigerians want to move away from the hangover of the immediate post-independence era politics of grid-lock occasioned by the antics of local tin gods who fanned the embers of sectarian hatred and animosity. Like the late Abiola whose political support did cut across the North-South divide, Buhari is seen by citizens across the country as an embodiment of their hopes and dreams. That Soyinka has failed to understand this fact is most unfortunate indeed.

In his anti-Buhari admonition, Soyinka is laying claim to the moral high ground whether or not his cheerleaders understand it so. Moreover, Soyinka cannot be engaging in a wholesale condemnation of a public figure (of Buhari's stature) and expect that his own (Soyinka's) track record or integrity will not come under scrutiny. Those who would rather bury their heads in the sand and issue empty statements about the need to focus on the message (by ignoring the messenger) do miss the point. The moment Soyinka and any other person for that matter invites the public to lend him their ears, it is taken for granted that the witness (to history) - in this case Soyinka - cannot be dissociated from his testimony. The credibility or otherwise of the witness is critical to whether or not his testimony will be deemed acceptable. To cut a long story short, let's just say that there are abundant textual and inter-textual indices to indict Soyinka as far as his rabid anti-Buhari pontification is concerned.

One is gladdened by the fact that decent Nigerians are rising to denounce Soyinka’s intemperate attack on Buhari and his presidential ambition.
We should listen to the voice of reason by Professor Tam David-West as reported in the Nigerian press. “I don’t owe Buhari anything, but I owe Nigerians the truth and I am not talking about Buhari from a distance but as an insider. Wole Soyinka is my very good friend and I respect him a lot. I put him at very high pedestal, but I am taking a stand at some of his verbal excesses. You have a right to your position against anybody but let us not take the aura of our position to disinform the public or give them a slanted position of our view…It was wrong to inform the public with a mindset with stereotypes and bias…General Buhari is the most disciplined leader Nigeria has ever produced”.

 


 

Aonduna Tondu

New York




Your Comments

Please make The Square an enjoyable experience for everyone by refraining from gratuitous ad-hominem contributions, defamatory comments and off-topic posting. Such posts will be removed.

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RobotRobot is offline

 # 1 | 24.01.2007 12:53

Wole Soyinka’s mischief-laden diatribe against the Buhari candidacy should be exposed for wh...Read the full article.

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olusolaolusola is offline

 # 2 | 24.01.2007 13:25

You will surely do well by tackling the charges laid by Soyinka in his address rather than this name calling . You should tell us in concrete terms if those charges are true ,false or blown out of proportion. However, Nigerians know that there is no iota of lie in what Soyinka said. If that's the case,why is Buhari so arrogant to own up to these misdeeds and apologize to Nigerians? Is he bigger than the whole population?
That arrogant posturing has indeed confirmed that he is an unrepentant dictator who is not worthy to be trusted by Nigerians.

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tonsoyotonsoyo is offline

 # 3 | 24.01.2007 14:54

I think this guy also known as MrOneNaija on this forum is only an attention seeking noise-maker.

I think we should just ignore him, until he is ready to address the real issues raised by the world literary giant and Nobel Laureate Professor Wole Soyinka.

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AbraxasAbraxas is offline

 # 4 | 24.01.2007 15:41

Hi, folks!

In summary, these are the rantings of a rat: an unabashed pro-Buhari praise-singer, ego massager, and hard-core
(well-paid) arsehole hair licker, wasting his time, and your time, shadow-boxing, name-dropping, and indulging in low-intensity ultra-benign ad-hominem jibes at Professor Wole Soyinka (CFR), all for the sake of undertaking a tactlessly packaged PR job, comically loaded with Nobel Prize-quality turenchi, all for the sake of white-washing an unrepentant and congenitally impudent coup plotter, a former Nigerian military dictator, and a retired tyrant called Major General Muhammadu Buhari (GCFR).

Wonders, miracles, and similar other paranormal phenomena shall never cease to happen in the Federal Republic of Nigeria!
W'allahi t'allahi!!

I am still wondering aloud why any free-born human being can voluntarily subject themselves to the agony of having to be led by anybody that is as intellectually, managerially, socially, and tempramentally challenged as Major General Muhammadu Buhari
(GCFR)! Na wa for una for Nigeria-o.

For kro-kro daylight, una wan' sell Nigeria back to soja-boys? When dem been dey army, dem say, politics no good. When dem com'o't army, dem say dem too, be "bloody civilian", weda we like am or not.

So, no do, no do, by force, soja-boys done commandeer every party for 9jeriya, sotay-sotay, EVEN Buhari sef, done become "beautiful bride" and "democrat":

Ha-ha-ha-ha-ha-ha! Ha-ha-ha-ha-ha-ha! Hi-hi-hi-hi-hi-hi! Ho-ho-ho-ho-ho-ho! Hi-hi-hi-hi-hi-hi! Ho-ho-ho-ho-ho-ho!

Beautiful bride, ko: ugly groom, ni. Democrat, ko: demo-craseman, ni.

Muchas gracias.

Don Juan Carlos ABRAXAS (III)
:p>:p>

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emjemj is offline

 # 5 | 24.01.2007 16:07

So u were finally able to put ur thought on the web for us to see abi?.........looks to me like a case of Intellectual Diarrhoea or Impaired thinking.........u had better see ur AD/healthcare provider soonest.

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AuspiciousAuspicious is offline

 # 6 | 24.01.2007 16:34

Auspicious is just glad to have jumped ship while it was still safe to do so. Buhari kini? Say wetin? Phew, I am glad I left that boat waaaay back! Muhahahahaha!

Now we hear Soyinka is "beating the drums of intolerance and sectarian regimentation"! I say, OYIBO REPETE!

MrOneNaija has a way with over-sensationalizing issues...of leaving the subject matter to resort to the most caustic and ascerbic labelling of the personalities he criticizes to destroy them - a feat he could simply have achieved by focusing on the issues and using those some issues to damage the person, just like Soyinka did with Buhari.

It is no wonder then, that hardly does he win any disciples in his excoriation of President Obasanjo, because he seems to focus more on inventing new words to insult that man (Obasanjo - who we have no love for anyways) than criticizing him on issues.

Na wa jare..I don taya for OneNaijaaaaaa!

Auspicious.

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HakimHakim is offline

 # 7 | 24.01.2007 17:56

If we are waiting for Buhari and his supporters to give us their own version of Soyinka's latest treatise on Buhari, I guess we will have to wait until the chicken start to grow teeth. They have nothing other than their familiar method of leaving the message to attack the messanger.

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AnointedAnointed is offline

 # 8 | 24.01.2007 20:34

Na Wa o!!! Make this man just go siddon it's obvious he's looking for favours!

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FjordFjord is offline

 # 9 | 24.01.2007 23:44

Mr. Tondu draws on Professor Tam David-West's illogical response to Soyinka's disrobing of Buhari; the main point remains: let anyone tackle the issues raised in Soyinka's article. Tondu makes much of not divorcing Soyinka's points in Soyinka's article from the writer himself; the comment has been made on these pages, and it is solid and strong: Prof. Soyinka's piece could have been written by anyone, and the issues wouldn't have been less important. Buhari is one of the monsters of Nigeria's past; his cleansing isn't complete without the acknowledgement from himself that he was in error to execute innocents, that he was in error to fiercely curb the fundamental rights of Nigerian citizens, and that he contributed to the rot of the country.

.

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KhalilKhalil is offline

 # 10 | 25.01.2007 06:37

Well, I do not hold issues of politics close to head not mention my heart. But it is like the following article addressed the issues Wole Soyinka raised in his presentation. Happy reading.

Khalil



PEOPLE AND POLITICS BY MOHAMMED HARUNA

http://www.gamji.com/haruna/haruna.htm

“The strange case of Nobel Schizophrenia”

kudugana@yahoo.com



The alert reader would’ve noticed that the headline above is in quotes. It is in quotes because I have borrowed it from Professor Ali Mazrui, one of Africa’s foremost scholars. Mazrui used it as the title of his reply to Professor Wole Soyinka who had attacked him in an article in The Guardian of February 12, 2000, titled “The Problem with you, Ali Mazrui.” Part of Mazrui’s reply was carried in The Guardian of March 25, 2000.



The Mazrui/Soyinka encounter was over Mazrui’s critique of a television documentary by one, Professor Skip Gates, titled “Wonders of the African World.” Among other things, Mazrui had said the documentary could not have been complete without filming in Nigeria, something which Gates did not do. Gates had argued that he left out Nigeria because it was under a reprehensible military dictator, General Sani Abacha. Mazrui countered by pointing out that Gates had shot films in Sudan whose leadership was even more reprehensible than Nigeria’s.



I will not detain you further with details of that interesting encounter between the two intellectual giants, especially since the details are not of direct relevance to the subject of this piece, namely Soyinka’s unrestrained diatribe against Major-General Muhammadu Buhari for renewing his 2002 bid to rule Nigeria as a democracy. I have borrowed Mazrui’s headline only because it, as well as the body of the Professor’s article itself, accurately sums up my view of Soyinka’s diatribe against Buhari.



In his reply to Soyinka, Mazrui accused the Nobel Literature laureate, among other things, of “being an inexact and careless scholar.” Soyinka, he added, was “prone to either overactive imagination or poetic hallucinations.” Reading through Soyinka’s diatribe against Buhari, one cannot agree more with Mazrui that Soyinka is an inexact and careless scholar and has once again presented a strange case of Nobel schizophrenia.



In reviewing Sonyinka’s lengthy article on Buhari as published in The Nation of January 17, among other newspapers, my first problem was that of his use of language. Soyinka may be a first class dramatist, but even his greatest admirers will agree with me that he suffers from the disease of linguistic bombast. Soyinka, I have said many times on these pages and elsewhere, writes essentially to impress rather than to communicate.



Among the most basic rules for effective communications, said George Orwell, one of the greatest wordsmiths in English, in his essay, Politics and the English Language, are (1) never use a long word where a short one will do (2) if it is possible to cut a word out, always cut it out, (3) never use a passive (word) where you can use the active, and (4) never use a foreign phrase, a scientific word or a jargon word if you can think of an everyday English equivalent. Soyinka’s article, consistent with his prose style, broke each and every one of these rules.



Anyone who has read Soyinka’s piece would agree with me that you need more than a dictionary to fully understand what he was exactly saying; dictionaries may tell you the meanings of words, but words in isolation do not say much. This is why the sentence rather than the word is the unit of language. Needless to say, the simpler the structure of a sentence, i.e. its syntax, the easier it is to understand. Even where you use simple words in a sentence, if it is complicated in syntax, you may leave your reader confused rather than clear-headed. Soyinka, you will agree with me, is a master of both the long word and the complicated syntax.



Take for example, the very first paragraph of his article in question. Space would not allow me to reproduce the whole of it, but the following sentences in that paragraph would do as representative sample of the whole article. “Recently,” he said, “I published an article in the media, invoking the possible recourse to psychiatric explanation for some of the incongruities in conduct within national leadership. I have begun to seriously address the issue of which section of society requires the services of a psychiatrist. The contest for the seizure of rationality is now so polarized that I am quite reconciled to the fact that it could be those of us on this side, not the opposing school of thought that ought to declare ourselves candidates for the lunatic asylum.”



I am almost certain that you needed to catch your breath, first to merely read those sentences, and then to crack your brain in order to grasp their meaning. If you did, it was because the sentences were full of long words, needless words, passive words and jargons, not to mention their complicated structure.



With such bombastic language as Soyinka’s the reader will understand, even forgive me, if, in dealing with the substance of his diatribe against Buhari, I misrepresent his arguments. However, I’ll do my best not to.



With this caveat, let me attempt a summary of Soyinka’s lengthy article in simple English. My summary is as follows:



Nigerians, including himself, have been “over-complacent” about Buhari’s bid once again to rule Nigeria as a democracy, an ambition which he says is as “preposterous” as that of former military president General Ibrahim Babangida.

He - if not others - has now been woken up from his over-complacency by the support for Buhari from “individuals and groupings to which one had earlier attributed a sense of relevance of historic actualities.” (Those bombastic words again!).

He wrote not too long ago to warn Nigerians that Obasanjo’s conduct in office suggested he and his crowd are mad men.

However, the general over-complacency of Nigerians about Buhari’s bid probably means it is the opposition elements, including himself, who are mad and not Obasanjo and his crowd.

Whoever is mad between the Obasanjo crowd and the opposition, the important thing, Soyinka says, is that Nigerians must wake up from their over-complacency and stop Buhari from realizing his ambition.

Nigerians, the literary giant says, should choose their next president by elimination, based on what is known of the past record of the contestants. Accordingly, Alhaji Umaru Yar’adua, the PDP presidential flagbearer, must be eliminated because he is Obasanjo’s anointed and Obasanjo’s rule has been worse than Abacha’s. Similarly, Vice-President Atiku Abubakar should be eliminated because he has been tainted by corruption. The worst of them all is Buhari whose long list of crimes include:



His refusal to appear before the controversial Oputa panel to answer for charges of extra-judicial murder against some drug convicts.

His ban, as a military head of state, on the debate for a return to democracy.

His practice, as head of state, of “not merely double, triple, multiple standards but a cynical travesty of justice”, in jailing or detaining Second Republic politicians.

His “humiliation” of the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero, and the Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuade, over their “private” trip to Israel.

His turning a blind eye to the infamous case of “54 suit-cases”.

Similarly his turning a blind eye to the case of former Federal Permanent Secretary, Alhaji Alhaji’s alleged breach of the ban on government officials holding accounts in foreign currencies while at the same time jailing Fela for a similar offense.

His jailing of Ebenezer Babatope for an article warning that Buhari should be watched as a potential coup-maker, and, last but no means the least.

His jailing of Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor for their news story in The Guardian which impugned the integrity of Buhari’s postings of our ambassadors abroad.

People sometimes change, but Buhari, says Soyinka, is simply incapable of changing.



Let us take these points one by one.



First, what is Soyinka’s evidence that Nigerians’ have been “overcomplacent” about Buhari’s presidential bid? If he has any, he did not present it. Most likely he had none because no one can say Nigerians have been complacent, never mind over-complacent, about Buhari. Certainly not with the freedom with which supporters and opponents of the former military head of state have traded tackles in the media over their positions.



Second, if Soyinka himself has been over-complacent, as he said he was, and he has now suddenly woken up to the danger he thinks Buhari’s presidential bid represents, it is, as he has said, because the bid has received support from unlikely quarters.



As a scholar who should have the courage of his conviction, he should have named those individuals and groupings. He did not, but it requires little or no imagination to see that Soyinka was talking about Afenifere, which has since declared support for Buhari, and General Ibrahim Babangida, whose support for same is now an open secret.



Third, Soyinka says Buhari’s bid was as preposterous as Babangida’s. Really? Barely two and a half years ago, Soyinka spoke differently of at least Babangida’s bid. Late August 2004, Soyinka, readers will recall, said Babangida should be free to run for president in 2007 provided he apologized to Nigerians for canceling the June 12, 1993 presidential elections. Considering the well-documented record of how Soyinka himself had consistently dismissed Babangida’s transition programme as fraudulent, does it not defy logic for him to say that “June 12” is the only basis for dismissing Babangida’s bid for the presidency as preposterous? Soyinka, I am sure will agree with me that a strong super-structure is impossible without a strong foundation. Or as his friend and fellow compatriot, the late Bola Ige, once put it even more graphically, “You cannot plant peanuts and reap coconuts. Never.”



In other words, considering the dubious foundation on which it was erected, “June 12” has been more hype than substance and it cannot be used, as Soyinka did barely 2½ years ago, to judge whether Babangida’s presidential ambition was “preposterous.”



Which takes us to the fourth and final point, namely why the Nobel Laureate thinks Buhari is unfit to rule a democratic Nigeria.



Altogether Soyinka listed eight crimes against Buhari. These can be collapsed without any danger or misrepresentation into four i.e. (1) Buhari’s refusal to appear before the Oputa panel, (2) his draconian 20-month rule 22 years ago, (3) his alleged selective justice against Second Republic politicians and (4) his “humiliation” of two of Nigeria’s leading traditional rulers for traveling to Isreal. The other issues of the controversial 54 suitcases and those of Alhaji Alhaji and Fela, Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor and Babatope, are merely details of the charge that Buhari was repressive and engaged in selective justice.



Of all the four charges only the second, i.e. that Buhari’s was a draconian dictatorship, can stand close examination. On the first charge that Buhari refused to appear before Oputa to answer charges of extra-judicial killings of three drug convicts, the fact was that Buhari’s refusal was not an act of impunity. He refused to appear, along with Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Abdulsalami Abubakar, because Oputa, as the three former heads of state believed, was not properly set up and its objective, as was clear from its initial terms of reference and as has since become even clearer from the way the President has consigned its report to the cooler, was vengeance, not reconciliation. Babangida, the reader will recall, went to court to prove his case and was vindicated.



Therefore on legal grounds, if not on the moral, all three were right to refuse to appear before Oputa. As for the moral argument, it would be a foolish man who will put his neck in a noose just because he is told that the noose will not be tightened round his neck once he can establish his innocence!



As for the charge that Buhari practiced selective justice because, among other things, he kept Shehu Shagari “in cozy house detention in Ikoyi while his powerless deputy, Alex Ekwueme, was locked up in Kirikiri prison”, or because the elderly Adekunle Ajasin, the Ondo State governor, was jailed several times over for no offense, nothing could be more grossly distorted. As an intellectual I expected Soyinka to be more rigorous in presenting evidence for his claims. Instead he merely peddled beer parlour gossip as evidence. If Soyinka had been more rigorous in making his charge he would have discovered that Ekwueme had the company of fellow politicians in his Ikoyi prison while Shagari was kept in solitary confinement. Any prisoner would tell you that, other than physical torture, there is nothing worse than solitary confinement. But not only was Shagari kept in solitary confinement the curtains of his bungalow were permanently in place. As a result he almost lost his sight before he was released.

In the case of Ajasin, if Soyinka was honest enough he would have admitted that the elderly man was not the only one Buhari jailed many times over without proof beyond reasonable doubt or detained without trial. The governor of many Northern states, including Buhari’s own Katsina State, were jailed. Again if ministers like Umaru Dikko and Uba Ahmed escaped abroad, others like Adamu Ciroma, highly regarded as a man of integrity, were detained without trial.

In other words, no one could, in fairness, accuse Buhari of a systematic attempt to discriminate among Second Republic politicians on grounds of tribe, region or religion, in jailing them or detailing them without trial.



Finally on the case of Emir of Kano and the Ooni of Ife, isn’t it strange that Soyinka would talk glibly of the two traveling as private citizens? As a scholar does Soyinka in all honesty believe an emir, any emir, not to talk of one like that of Kano who is the fourth ranking in order of protocol in the old North, and the Ooni who is arguably the first in Yorubaland, are private citizens? But even with private citizens can Soyinka, as a well traveled scholar, honestly claim he does not know that countries bar their citizens from visiting other countries they do not recognize? At the time the Emir of Kano and the Ooni chose to visit Isreal, did we have any diplomatic ties?



In examining Soyinka’s four main charges against Buhari, I said he was essentially correct in only the charge that Buhari ran a draconian dictatorship. Even then Soyinka grossly distorted the facts by saying Buhari turned Nigeria into “a slave plantation” and “gloated and gloried” in it. In a slave plantation, no master will brook “the cartoons and oblique, elliptical reference” that Soyinka said media professionals used to sustain the people’s campaign for a time-table to democratic rule.



Soyinka wants neither Yar’adua nor Buhari or Atiku as Nigeria’s next president. In Buhari’s case he says the former head of state is not fit to rule because he is simply incapable of changing from his tyrannical past. If the Nobel Laureate had any evidence of Buhari’s incapability of changing since he turned into a politician over five years ago, he did not present it in his article.



However, as Soyinka knows, very well, scholarship demands rigour and exactitude in presenting evidence and in the use of language. As with his encounter with Mazrui nearly seven years ago what Soyinka has demonstrated with his diatribe against Buhari is that he is an inexact and careless scholar and a literary giant who, all too often, uses the English language to confuse rather than enlighten.

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