Akintokunbo Adejumo

Nigeria, March/April 1978.

 The Minister for Education, Col Ahmadu Ali under the Obasanjo Military administration, had just announced that the Federal government of Nigeria intended to increase the cost of feeding for University and other tertiary institutions’ students. At the time also, students pay about 98 Naira per year to secure accommodation on campus. The room is shared with one or two or three other students, depending on the size of the room. Postgraduate students often have a room to themselves.

Previously, the cost of eating at the institutions’ cafeterias was as follows: Breakfast, 10 Kobo; Lunch, 20 Kobo and Dinner, 20 Kobo, making 50 Kobo in total to get a full three-square meal a day at our institutions of higher learning in those days.

Now Minister Ali wanted to increase it as thus: 20 Kobo for breakfast and 25 Kobo each for lunch and dinner, making a total of 70 Kobo per day. The National Unions of Students tried to negotiate with the government but Obasanjo’s government was adamant, and later talks broke down.

The students took to the streets in protest shouting “Ali Must Go”. The protests, I believed started at the Universities of Ibadan, Lagos and Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) and spread to others, including Ibadan Polytechnic, and most other tertiary institutions in the South West and Bendel State.

I was at the forefront of the demonstrations at the University of Ibadan, although I was not a member of the Students Union Executive Committee. Those were the days. We fought running battles with the Mobile Police stationed outside the gates of the University. Throughout the over a week that we boycotted classes, throwing stones and taunting the “godo-godos”, as we called the ferocious mobile, anti-riot policemen, not once did they enter the University. I guess that was their orders. And not once did the students destroy any building inside the campus.

After about a week of this standoff, the universities were closed by the Federal Government and every student advised to leave the campus. It was painful and inconvenient for students who came from afar to study at the various universities and polytechnics across Nigeria. At Ibadan, students from the South Eastern part of the country had to hurriedly charter luxury buses to take them back home to Aba, Enugu, Port Harcourt and the rest, leaving behind most of their belongings, because eventually the universities will be re-opened.

I would like to add that in those days, no matter what valuables you leave behind in your room, and no matter for how long, you are sure to come back and meet those valuables intact. Nobody, not even the room-cleaners taking care of our rooms, will loot your room – those were the good, honest old days. Even me who happened to come from and live in Ibadan itself left my stereo set behind in the room I shared with two other roommates. An Igbo friend of mine, not absolutely sure, asked me to take his expensive stereo equipment home with me for safekeeping.

My mother, on hearing the news of the closure, came to the campus gates with her car, but the mobile police would not let her thrive her car in, so she and my Aunt who accompanied her had to walk the almost one mile from the University gates to my hall of Residence, Independence Hall. Luckily for them, they met me in my room, but I told them I was not leaving with them, but will join them later. I never told them of my involvement with the activities, or else the poor women would have had heart attacks.

Eventually we all evacuated the campus, and I headed for Lagos, driven by an uncle of mine. I did not know Lagos was on the boil. The moment we reached Ikorodu Road, specifically between Palmgrove and Yaba, all hell was let loose, with a full scale riot going on and police engaged in running battles with ordinary citizens who decided to sympathise with the students, especially when the news was broken to the nation that several students had been killed by overzealous policemen who fired into their demonstrations at Ife and Lagos Universities (I forget the specifics, so please pardon me)

The people of Lagos had risen. And there were people on the Ikorodu Road engaging the Nigeria Police Force in battle. What was amazing was that some policemen actually joined the people; all shouting “Ali must go”. It seemed at the time to be the beginning of a popular revolt. As we later learnt, the Obasanjo regime was much shaken, very shaken indeed. I think that was the first time a military government in Nigeria was ever so shaken. Col. Ali was later removed as Minister for Education and certain reforms were announced.

Our vehicle was stopped by some demonstrators and on a hunch I just decided to show the angry people my student identity card, and before I knew it, these people started clearing the road for our vehicle, letting us pass. Two of them sat on the roof of our car and started shouting £Hey, make way, he is a student leader” and I had not even said anything to them about being a student leader, just merely a student of the University of Ibadan.

It was at Onipanu, where all hell broke loose again, because right in front of my eyes, I the four-storey building that belonged to the Nigeria Customs Service erupted, go up in smoke and collapsed. Everybody scattered. The building was levelled. Till today, I never knew what was kept in that building that made it collapse, but luckily, nobody was said to be hurt, at least that was what was said afterwards.

At Yaba, when we managed to get there eventually, aided by my self-appointed guardians, there was roadblock mounted by several men of the Nigeria Police Force, all red-eyed and looking wild and ready to shoot their guns. I asked my guardians to stop taunting the police, and I got out of the car and timidly approached the policemen. I calmly explained that I am a student from Ibadan, our university has been closed and I am in Lagos to be with my family.

What happened next remains in my memory till my death. The Officer in Charge, a young man too, told me that he supported the students, after all we were all fighting for the people of Nigeria, and fighting a military regime (and believe me, Obasanjo’s military regime, I consider to be one of the better military regimes to ever rule Nigeria), and that maybe the government would listen. He asked me where I was going, and I told him Surulere, whereupon, this young and noble officer asked two of his men to escort our vehicle with a police car in front blasting its siren. I was aged just 21 then.

This was how I got to Surulere, unmolested by the many violent demonstrators and gun0totting policemen on the way. My other guardians had disappeared at Yaba, presumably to join further still in the anarchy.

That was sometime in April 1978.

A sad note: my best friend, classmate and roommate, Matthew Imoisili, studying Soil Science and with only a year to go (and a cousin of the renown and intrepid journalist, Sonola Olumhense) having to pack his bags and headed for Lagos as a result of the closure, died in a motor accident on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. We buried him later at his hometown of Igueben, Esan, now in Edo State. I regard him as a victim of the “Ali must go” students demonstration of 1978. May his soul rest in perfect peace.

After about a month of closure (again my memory lets me down here), the institutions of higher learning were reopened and we went back to the campus to immediately begin our examinations according to the schedule. No time was extended for us and we still had to graduate by July. All our properties were found intact in our rooms. The Ekene Dili Chukwus and Chi Di Eberes returned to Ibadan, with their loads of my brothers and sisters from the East, who had suffered the most inconvenience, and life appeared to return to normal on the campuses.

However, underneath, the arrests, interrogation and victimisation of the leaders of the demonstrations began. Several student leaders were arrested, kept in cells and some were eventually charged with all kinds of offences. I was lucky; nobody even had a whiff of me, so escaped arrest and interrogation. My friends in the Students Union Executive Committee were victimised by the university authorities and some of them never got their degree certificates up till today. I remember a friend of mine, who was the Sports Secretary in that year, never got his degree in Chemistry until about 5 years later, but he did his Youth Service.

Looking back, and comparing to the present day, I think of how much students of this era now use to eat everyday. The cafeterias no longer exist on the campuses. In our days, breakfast of 20 kobo consist of your choice of bread, toasted or not, all kind of eggs, pancakes, all kinds of cereals, oats, your choice of coffee or tea, and fruits. Lunch and dinner has a choice of every Nigerian food you can think of (Eba, Amala, Pounded Yam, semo, rice and beans, rice and dodo), with your choice of stew, peppered or pepper-less (vegetable, okro, ogbono rich with crayfish, stockfish and cooked the real Igbo way, edikaikan, ewedu, gbegiri, etc) and then you have a choice of desserts in ice cream, jelly and cakes) On Sunday lunch time, there is additional choice of Jollof or fried rice with half a chicken as well as curry or green beans soup. All for 20 kobo, and we were complaining when it was unsubsidised to 25 Kobo. People from outside the university community even used to come and have their meals in our cafeterias then. All Halls of Residence had their own cafeterias.

Thank you Lord, but I cry for the current generation of Nigerian students. They are studying under very hard conditions. So it is disheartening to hear that Nigerians are now sending their children to Universities in Ghana to get a better education. I remember that our universities in Nigeria used to attract hundreds of foreign students. A credit to Obasanjo was his large scale allowance and sponsorship of thousands of Zimbabweans and South Africans to study in Nigeria in the 70s, as part of Nigeria’s fore-front fight against apartheid.

There were university students exchange programs with other West African universities, especially with Ghanaian universities. I used to take in Ghanaian students from the University of Legon into my room every year when they visit the University of Ibadan on educational and sports exchanges and trips lasting up to two weeks at times. In those days, Ghanaians, Sierra Leoneans and Liberians thought Nigeria was a replica of the United States of America.

Even in those days, it was like we were having fun studying, as a matter of fact, I have to admit it was fun studying in Nigeria in those days. There was the Federal Government Loan of 1500 Naira per year (nobody ever pays it back because the Government never chase us for it); then the states’ bursaries (I remember the Bendel State Government used to pay each of its students in higher institutions 200Naira per year, the highest rate in the country at the time); and the states’ scholarships.

Some states in the East used to charter buses to drop and pick their students to and from their states in those days. The various clubs used to charter the University buses to go on trips to visit or party with other clubs in other universities around the country.

As a member (we call ourselves "Comrads") of the Kegites Club of the University of Ibadan, I went on trips with hired University of Ibadan luxury buses supplied with drivers to “gyrate” with other Palm Wine Drinkards clubs (“Iliyas”) at the Universities of Ife, Lagos, Ilorin, Benin, Port Harcourt, Nsukka, Jos, and even Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, as well as the Polytechnic, Ibadan, Yaba College of Technology, Lagos; Adeyemi College of Education, Ondo and School of Agriculture, Akure, etc.

As I am writing, I am shaking my head in wonder and smiling at the reminiscence. I made life-long friends just interacting with other Nigerians through the many other components of formal education, while at the same time enjoying a qualitative education, mostly driven by excellent Nigerian teachers.

Unfortunately, my smiles and happiness are short-lived when I wake up to the reality that some idiots have ruined Nigeria for us such that current and future generations may never realise that Nigeria had been “good” before. It was not always like this. Unfortunately, we all have to bear the blame.

Some last words: Some of our corrupt ex-Governors during Obasanjo’s eight-year misrule are now virtual prisoners in their own country. Dariye and Alamieyeseigha dare not venture out of Nigeria or they will be grabbed by Interpol or the British Police. They jumped bail in the UK which is an offence by itself. So, they are now classified as fugitives and criminals. Ibori too can hardly venture out. Some of his accomplices are already in the net in the UK. Odili is staying clear of Rivers State, a state he ruled for eight years, for many different reasons. What a shame. With Oni in power in Ekiti State, I doubt if ex-Governor Fayose can go home to visit without causing a stir. Orji Kalu is hardly welcome in Abia State. When their eight years are up, I doubt if Gbenga Daniel and Olagunsoye Oyinlola will be welcome in Ogun and Osun States respectively.

In the meantime, after only two years in power, the machinery of governance and administration will ground to a halt in Abuja and all the states capitals, because Ministers, Senators, Representatives, Special Assistants and Advisers, Board members, State Commissioners, Local Government chief, etc who have higher ambitions to become Governors and other political posts, and one-term governors seeking a second term will now concentrate on subtle and not so subtle campaigns, and abandon their responsibilities. It has started already. For the next two years until 2011, nothing will get done, and most importantly, more stealing and looting will be taking place. That is Nigerian democracy for you.

This article is dedicated to my friends: late Matthew Imoisili; Professor Ayodeji Oluleye, now Dean, Faculty of Engineering, University of Ibadan; Alhaji Tunji Ekemode, pioneer and  former Provost, Lagos State College of Primary Education, Epe; late Emmanuel Emeni, another former roommate; Professor Bassey Effiong Bassey, now living somewhere in the United States; Rev. Olusesan Olumewo, now in the UK; Eng. Femi Dada; Sonola Olumhense, now living in the US; Professor Harry Garuba; Dr Gabriel Osaze Egharevba, ex-Unilag and now Reader, Chemistry Department, Obafemi Awolowo University; Shola Akintimehin , where are you now?; Alex Amata, Collins Abulu and Frank Kayoma (the Bendel boys); the National Association of Seadogs, although I was not a "sailor"; the Kegites Club, University of Ibadan; the University of Ibadan Students Union Executives of 1977/78 and the University of Ibadan itself.

I remember you all. If I have forgotten to mention anybody else, please forgive me. Nigeria will be good one day, don’t you worry.

___________

Akintokunbo Adejumo lives and works in London, UK.  A graduate of the University of Ibadan, Nigeria (1979) and University of Manitoba, Canada (1985), he also writes on topical issues and has been published in newspapers and internet media. He is also the Coordinator of CHAMPIONS FOR NIGERIA, (www.championsfornigeria.org) an organisation devoted to celebrating genuine progress, excellence, commitment, selfless and unalloyed service to Nigeria and Nigerians

Robot  # 1 | 11.06.2009 17:14

Thank you Lord, but I cry for the current generation of Nigerian students. They are studying under very hard conditions. So it is disheartening to hear that Nigerians are now sending their children to Universities in Ghana to get a better education. I remember that our universities in Nigeria used to attract hundreds of foreign students...Read the full article.

Abatakan  # 2 | 12.06.2009 08:03

Big sigh,l remembered the UI of those days,when NEPA works sporadically that the only place in Ibadan you can be guarantee of light is UI( well apart from IITA which was in a league of it`s own it was known as`Mini America`) but UI kept his place as things work, my brother went to UI and l fondly remember when there is a power cut all the student stops,to wait for the light to come back on, powererd on by UI generators and l do remember the student complaining ( for the incovenience of waiting for 5 minutes for the engineer to restore power)that was the naija l left as attested to by Akintokunbo compares to what we`ve got. l blame us,yes villagers where are are?in the comfort of western world and yes hands up,guilty as well.

Oteniyark  # 3 | 12.06.2009 09:58

You have rekindled our sweet memory of the past. I studied in the 80's, even though the story was not as bright as that of the 70's you painted, it wasn't too far from it. We never thought things could get the bad. Anyway, I had a dream that the good people of this great nation shall rise to defend the country of their fathers for the sake of their children.

Zuma  # 4 | 12.06.2009 20:57

Unfortunately, my smiles and happiness are short-lived when I wake up to the reality that some idiots have ruined Nigeria for us such that current and future generations may never realize that Nigeria had been “good” before. It was not always like this. Unfortunately, we all have to bear the blame. I could not help but feel an overwhelming burden of sadness at the truth and formidable realities expressed with the utmost candor and nostalgia in your narrative. Yes, we all bear the blame and I know it is definitely time for a revolution. It is inevitable. Looking around you now, it would be difficult to agree that Nigeria was once 'good', even where not perfect. I miss those days too. Going down memory lane. . . .with Solomon Adun Asemota. http://www.saharareporters.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2991:qnigeria-is-ripe-for-a-revolutionq-solomon-adun-asemota-san&catid=71:interview-political&Itemid=167 "Nigeria is ripe for a revolution" - Solomon Adun Asemota (SAN) Friday, 12 June 2009 19:34 Sahara Reporters On Wednesday June 10th, 2009, Solomon Adun Asemota (SAN), met with Saharareporters to discuss wide-ranging issues regarding the Nigerian state from his unique perspective. Chief Asemota is the Chairman of the Governing Council of the Christian Social Movement of Nigeria (CSMN), as well as Coordinator of the Ethnic Nationalities Movement (ENM). He was the first Nigerian to obtain a law degree at the University of Lagos through the evening law program. Previously a professional policeman, he resigned in 1970, and has since then worked as a lawyer. Interview with Solomon Asemota: “It is clear that Nigeria is ripe for a revolution. There is no way the youth of Nigeria are going to accept to die of hunger and poverty in a country so blessed with human and material resources.” What is the story of Amalgamation in 1914? The south was where the white man first arrived by sea and entered into several treaties with native chiefs. Later the missionaries came and began education and the Christian religion. There was not one south, but several nations who were first protectorates before the amalgamation of 1914. There was a punitive expedition like the one in Benin City because a white man was killed. We are told today that the ongoing war unleashed on the Niger Delta in 2009 is as a result of the killing of some Nigerian soldiers for which Ijaw towns and villages were bombed and razed. Punitive expedition once again, however, this time the new colonizers are Nigerians. The North, on the other hand was different. The British conquered most of the Fulani emirates that ruled mostly the north and found the Fulani more likable than the tribes of the south. Unfortunately, the administration of the north had to be subsidized from the British Treasury. The only way out of this unnecessary expedition of the British was to amalgamate the north with the south, so that the south will continue to subsidize the north which it has done till this day. The Hausa/Fulani in its broader definition include those who believe and work towards a system of government and way of life are based on Islam-thus anybody that accepts this type of rule or government is regarded as Hausa/Fulani as ensconced in the Willink Commission report in 1958. This enabled converts to Islam from the other tribes of the north to regard themselves as Hausa/Fulani. And since Independence 1960, what has been the Nigerian story? The British, in favor of the “Hausa/Fulani” North, rigged the federal elections of 1959. Tafawa Balewa was invited to form the government even before the final results were announced. The British ensured through the special branch of the police and undercover agents, that Nnamdi Azikiwe (Zik) and Obafemi Awolowo—that is N’digbo and Yoruba—never came together united because a united south continues to be a threat to the north. This practice continues till today. The job is now being performed by the State Security Service (SSS) that is well-funded and assisted by contrived poverty of the Nigerian peoples that make them dependent on the centralized government controlled by the Hausa/Fulani. What can you tell us about the crucial events of 1960-1966? The rivalry between the three major tribes in Nigeria—the Hausa/Fulani, N’digbo and Yoruba, especially between N’digbo and Yoruba—was mainly responsible for the coup of 1966. It must not be forgotten that regionalism was intended for the major tribes to assimilate the other 387 in the country. God, in His infinite wisdom, deposited crude oil on the soil and off the shores of minorities of the south, which became the reason for the unity of purpose but not unity with the aim of nationhood. Rather it was the unity of the big three— or the tripod —to take the benefits of the crude oil to the exclusion of the minority owners. Land ownership was given a legal twist like apartheid South Africa and colonial Zimbabwe. Some ethnic nationalities of the Niger Delta are praying very hard that crude should dry up so that the people’s of the Niger Delta can be left alone, and if nationhood is not crafted by them, only God knows what would happen. The question to ask is whether the north would give the south part of their minerals. And will the south make ports available to the north? In any case, the desire to sacrifice 20 million Niger Deltans in order that the remaining 120 million other Nigerians may live in peace would not arise. Tell us about the January 1966 coup… Intervention of military officers in their early 20s, foolish and inexperienced, who belonged to my generation—those now above—70 was unfortunate. It was not a revolution but lawyers redefined revolution to include treason. “Araba” (divide) was the slogan of the north in their demand for de-amalgamation in 1966. Had it happened, more lives would have been saved, as the civil war would have been averted. We would have had an Islamic north and a secular south. Criminality would have reduced because, instead of one police force we would have had two or more police forces and two would have been be more efficient than one. Because the Nigerian police force as presently constituted is cumbersome and difficult to manage. We would have had two distinct ideologies “sharia” or political Islam for the north, and secularism for the south. That would have been better than having two conflicting and competing ideologies, one defined under the constitution and the other not defined but applicable when it is politically convenient. The question of conquest that is a present factor in Nigerian politics following the civil war would not have been there. Some Nigerians regard N’digbo as conquered people and some N’digbo still see themselves in that light. All these would not have happened had Araba taken place. Gowon, from a minority tribe, was the stabilizing factor during this period because he is from a minority tribe and was fortunate to have seasoned nationalists and politicians such as Awolowo, Shagari, Okoi Arikpo, and Tony Enahoro and Aminu Kano etc, in his cabinet. It is now too late for Araba. So, what do you know about 1975 Coup? It is clear that the reason for this coup that overthrew the Gowon government was because one of the major tribes—Hausa/Fulani—was convinced that it was time to take over from Gowon and install a Muslim. It must be remembered that this period was the beginning of Islamic fundamentalism in the world. The Dimka counter-coup was not only misconceived, it was poorly executed, thereby providing the opportunity for the military establishment to decimate officials from the middle belt who were mainly Christians and rivals to the Hausa/Fulani military establishment. The 1979 coup that overthrew Shagari’s government was plotted because the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) had agreed on a rotational principle, and Akinloye, from the southwest, was being tipped to be the successor to Shagari. The overthrow of the Shagari government and the leadership of Buhari/Idiagbon began the incursion of rogue elements into the politics of Nigeria. This was also the beginning of a situation when military officers went out of their way to look for shady characters that they could use for illegitimate purposes and for this they empowered these elements and placed them in positions of authority. This abuse became pronounced because Nigeria had no legislature that would have provided oversight functions over the Executive. What about Babangida’s administration and the legitimization of corruption? The conflict between elements within the military allowed Babangida to replace Buhari. This coup was regarded as a palace coup and an internal affair of the military. The armed forces, this time, began to rely on traditional institutions, as instruments for governance. They had to rely on traditional rulers and religious leaders to maintain stability, in conjunction with the police and security forces. They cultivated those in these institutions who were pliable and not in a position to disagree with the armed forces and demand change. It was even reported that Babangida had the habit of telling officers appointed into political positions that it was time for them to make money and that it would be their fault if they left office poor. This was the time when political assassination began in Nigeria with Dele Giwa. It was also the beginning of phantom coups and legal monstrosities whereby the method by which Babangida became military president, which was by coup, was not available to Vasta, costing Vatsa his life for “contemplating” such an action. Babangida and the north were not too sure what to expect from Abiola as president, and they were not prepared to take chances. While Shonekan was acting as head of state, Abacha was written into the transition decree. Abacha, a shua-Arab must have seen himself as an Arab, otherwise how does one explain his looting of over 5 billion dollars and stashed it all abroad? Nigerians of Arab descent must decide whether they are Arabs or Nigerians for the future of our country. You mentioned Dele Giwa, what do you know about his assassination? I did not know anything directly about his assassination, more than what was in the public domain, but I knew a bit about the Gloria Okon case, because I defended the National Security Organization (NSO) then regarding the inquiry into Gloria Okon’s death when a commission of inquiry was set up. As the NSO lawyer I was presented with the photograph of a dead woman wearing trousers, which the security people told us was Gloria Okon, they said at that time that she was arrested for carrying drugs at the Aminu Kano International Airport. We also saw this dead body presented to the tribunal. When we finished the work I presented the papers to Nduka Obaigbena of Thisweek to give what I thought was the true account of the Gloria Okon’s case to the Nigerian public. At that time, I truly believed Gloria Okon died, because the case of the security people was that she took ill shortly after her detention and died. I later heard several versions from different people. After a while, I decided to reduce my engagement with security agencies by telling them that my calendar was full and later, I decided to quit as the lawyer to the NSO/SSS in order to maintain my integrity. May God continue to save Nigeria from Nigerians(wherever they may have migrated from).

Zuma  # 5 | 12.06.2009 21:09

Page 2 of 2 You mentioned that you were approached by Abacha to be Attorney General and Minister of Justice of the Federation? Yes, Abacha went to great lengths to recruit me to become the Attorney General and Minister of Justice. It was during Chief Agbamuche’s tenure and while I was a director of Elf Nigeria. A relative was congratulating me for pending appointment as the Attorney-General to replace Agbamuche. I was shocked because I never lobbied to become the Minister of Justice under Abacha. So I went in to see a justice of the court of appeal then and the Oba of Benin to help Abacha look for another person, giving the excuse that I was planning to become a “Jesuit Brother,” which requires two other levels to fulfill. The reason why I rejected Abacha’s offer was because I knew they weren’t looking for a brilliant lawyer. They made they made the offer because they wanted to stop me from what I was doing which was to bring Christians and ethnic minorities together to Abacha’s dictatorship. When I rejected the offer, Abacha’s Chief Security Officer (CSO), Al Mustapha, reportedly classified me as more dangerous than Ken Saro-Wiwa. Tell us about the re-emergence of Olusegun Obasanjo’s... When international pressure was made to bear on the military in Nigeria after the death of Abacha, the then head of state, Abubakar, supported by Babangida, sold Obasanjo to the northern oligarchy because they needed a Yoruba that will protect the interest of the north. To join in the sleaze for example the Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) bribes that was in the pipeline and a Yoruba that can reduce the influence of the Yoruba’s who had the potentials to confront the north. Obasanjo succeeded in the above objectives and also established a political base for himself based on cultism and voodoo. At the end of Obasanjo’s tenure we had a corrupt and voodoo society. Thus Nigeria became a state controlled by undesirable elements and voodoo infested leadership. It was most unfortunate that Obasanjo’s generation that was responsible for Nigeria’s misfortune in the first place blew the opportunity provided when Obasanjo once again became President in 1999. To compound the situation, Obasanjo, before he left office, single-handedly chose Yar’Adua for the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and to install him through rigged elections. Today, Yoruba solidarity is at its weakest and Nigeria is steadily and progressively moving towards a failed state. It is unfortunate also that all the principal actors in the north, in the east, in the west and in the Middle Belt or in the Niger Delta are manipulating Nigerian politics today, and manipulating the security agencies from the background are persons from Obasanjo’s generation, my generation. This is not to say that generations after us are any better rather it is to say that we created the problem. We have the moral obligation to undo what we had done. Fortunately the principal actors are still alive. What is happening in the Niger Delta? The Militants of the Niger Delta are the creation of the rogue elements in the executive, especially within the security. Bunkering was introduced by these elements, because of their privileged positions and greed, decided to establish two parallel methods of selling Nigerian crude oil legitimately for the government and illegitimately for themselves. These rogue elements provided a situation of insecurity in the region by arming militias. They instilled fear in the region and impressed on oil companies that they had to cooperate in the process by opening their taps also for stolen crude. The security agencies went further to train some of these militias abroad under the pretence they required the militias as undercover agents necessary for the security of the Niger Delta. Some of these militias also acted as thugs during elections and helped to rig these elections. These militias were intended, above all, to turn their guns against their own people of the Niger Delta. This they did for some time but because blood is thicker than water they adopted the ideologies of the people, which is to say, they now support true federalism and resource control. Why are Yorubas different? The Yoruba since 1914 have been the tribe that refused to be dominated either by the British or the Hausa/Fulani, and both the Hausa/Fulani and the British feared the Yorubas until Obasanjo became president. He destroyed the unity and cohesion of the Yoruba people under the guise of bringing them into the mainstream of Nigerian politics which means taking the lion’s share of the oil wealth of the Niger Delta in collaboration with the Hausa/Fulanis. Lagos rather than Port Harcourt became the oil capital of Nigeria and the Yoruba held the Nigerian National Petroleum Cooperation (NNPC) in trust for them until recently when the Hausa/Fulani took complete control. Explain what you think of the N’digbos. The Hausa/Fulani see N’digbo as conquered people and also regard the Niger Deltans as latter-day conquered people. The N’digbo position became difficult to understand because of the imposition and installation of some unreliable elements as governors who in turn impose traditional institutions on the people. N'digbo now regard traditional institutions, not democracy, as ideal for the southeast. This was the method used by the British in the 18th century whereby chiefs were provided where there were none. The practice was reintroduced during the military rule when Nigerians had no political parties and traditional rulers became the instrument of governance. Southeastern state governors approved thousands of traditional rulers for hitherto republican N'digbo. N'digbos are now begging that the next president should be an Igbo on the ground, no doubt, that the Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani have eaten enough, it is now the turn of N'digbo. The problem with Nigeria is the greed of the tripod, the foundation upon which the British had intended to elevate Nigeria to nationhood. What is Nigeria’s Secret Service about? The secret services arm of the executive has to be singled out for mention on the ground that it is the most prominent organization in the transformation of Nigeria from a state with prospect to a failing state. At independence the special branch—‘E’ branch—of the Nigeria Police Force provided intelligence for the country, not only for crime prevention and detection, but also for the security of the country. The special branch was effective and functioned well at independence until 1966 as a result of the January coup and July countercoup it became partisan. This had to be so because Nigerians where pulling in different directions: North, East, Middle Belt, Midwest and West. After the counter coup of July 1966, which the north won, the intelligence service became an instrument for the protection and promotion of the winner. Systematically northerners and Muslims dominated the security service. The 1975 coup against General Gowon could not have happened if the special branch did not collaborate with the coup plotters. It was bloodless and a Christian leader, Gowon, was replaced with a Muslim leader, Murtala Mohammed. Dimka’s failed coup provided the opportunity for the army to purge its self of Gowon’s supporters. While the overthrow of Shagari laid the foundation for the Islamization of the Nigerian state. The coup against Murtala Mohammed, we are told, was responsible for the establishment of the National Security Organization (NSO) and the military intelligence became more powerful. Later, the security services throughout Nigerian were put under the Nigerian security advisers that have always been a northerner and a Muslim. …And the notion of “Security Clearance”, what is that? Security clearance became a political weapon in the hands of the north. Nobody can contest election or gain employment in any tier of government—local government, state and national government—including government corporations and companies, without security clearance. Yet criminals, shady characters, rogue elements dominate the public service in Nigeria. It will appear that security clearance is been manipulated so that one section of the country can control the other through these rogue elements. Unknown quantities are empowered for the south to do the biding of the north. The security apparatus of Nigeria, including the other law enforcement agencies, must be held responsible for the rapid slide to a failing Nigerian state. Security organizations should also be blamed for sabotaging democracy by subverting democratic processes; by promoting rigging through violence and fraud. Some have argued that from the ashes of a failed Nigerian state a truly Islamic republic will be born not a secular state that some people want to impose on Nigeria. One thing is clear any nation that is not able to control its security apparatus is cutting dictatorship or a failed state. What are your conclusion? The above is the analysis of a complex situation that has brought Nigeria to the brink of a failed state. It is clear that Nigeria is ripe for a revolution. There is no way the youth of Nigeria are going to accept to die of hunger and poverty in a country so blessed with human and material resources. Nigeria needs urgently the harmony of the over 389 tribes because it is very wrong to elevate one, two or three tribes over the others. It is unprogressive and it will fail and when it does, Nigeria will also inevitably fail. What are your Recommendations on the way forward? Obama’s speech of June 4th, 2009 to the Muslim world includes Nigeria, because Nigeria is a member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). Obama’s speech is highly recommended. Obama used the phrase, “Muslim majority countries.” Muslims in Nigeria believe that they are in the majority to justify Nigeria’s membership of OIC. We have falsified our census figures, removed such classifications as ethnicity and religion so that such issues can be left to speculation to justify Nigeria’s continuous membership of that organization. As Obama said, we require a government that accepts, not rejects, the will of the people. Nigerians must be free to speak their minds and have a say on how they are governed. The rule of law in practice, not as a slogan; and equal administration of justice, not two parallel and competing legal systems; transparency, where leaders do not steal what belongs to the people. Governments that protect the right of the people are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. The revolution that Nigeria needs is one that will use methods by the Afro-Americans to change America. Not by violent means but by the search and application of Truth, Reconciliation and Forgiveness. Interesting read. We are indeed a troubled nation with too many intricacies. Back to the here and now. Which way Nigeria? How can you have the search and application of Truth, Reconciliation and Forgiveness, when Nigerian leaders prefer the chaotic 'army arrangement' of rogues constantly set in motion to keep Nigeria divided at all cost just like the British intended? Let us see how long the youths can prefer this alternatives to non-violent means. We already have kidnappers terrorizing the whole country for ransom. This is going to be extremely difficult with the policies to the great "Triumvirate" ethnic rivalry between the Hausa/Falani, Yorubas and Igos that seems to have no end in sight? Especially at the expense of the other minorities? Now, we have the Niger Delta to contend with as a fall out from all that fracas that has continued with the big 3 for the past 50 years almost, and only God knows what faction of Nigeria would be next. It just keeps getting worse.